UPTAKE 2017. aasta publikatsioonid
Permanent URI for this collection
Browse
Browsing UPTAKE 2017. aasta publikatsioonid by Author ""European Union (EU)" and "Horizon 2020""
Now showing 1 - 20 of 30
Results Per Page
Sort Options
Item A Time for Alternative Options? Prospects for the Nordic-Baltic Security Community During the Trump Era(Helsinki: Finnish Institute of International Affairs, 2017) McNamara, Eoin MicheálItem Authoritarianism and corporatism in the Baltics(Routledge, 2017) Kasekamp, AndresItem Between Trump's America and Putin's Russia: Nordic-Baltic Security Relations amid Transatlantic Drift(Royal Irish Academy, 2017) McNamara, Eoin MicheálWith the ‘return of geopolitics’ in Europe signalled in earnest by Russia’s illegal annexation of Crimea in 2014, this article examines the implications of DonaldTrump’s unpredictable US security policy for regional security in Northern Europe. While Trump’s public rhetoric chastising NATO creates uncertainties for Europe’s security, his administration’s policy has remained committed to NATO’s deterrence efforts. Against initial expectations for US-Russia rapprochementbased on realpolitik during the Trump era, controversies and the administration’s security policy actions have brought some unexpected discord in relations with Russia. A realist ‘grand bargain’ between Moscow and Washington that marginalises Nordic and Baltic security interests has become a remote prospect. Despite these reprieves, enhanced Nordic-Baltic security and defence cooperation is increasingly necessary. Overcoming occasional divergence in strategic preferences for effective military cooperation will ensure that the Nordic and Baltic states can strengthen regional deterrence and improve political relations with the Trump administration in an era of possible ‘transatlantic drift’.Item Biopolitical conservatism and “pastoral power”: a Russia – Georgia meeting point.(Tbilisi: Georgian Institute of Politics., 2017) Makarychev, AndreyThe paper applies the concept of biopolitics to the analysis of Russia's relations with Georgia. It highlights the centrality of Orthodoxy for Russia's "soft power" and religious diplomacy.Item Biopolitics and national identities: between liberalism and totalization(Routledge, 2017) Makarychev, AndreyThis is an introductory article to the special cluster on the biopolitical reading of nation-building in post-Soviet countries. The authors explain the advatnages of using the biopolitical approach to countries with hybrid identities, and discuss the totalizing potential of biopolitical narrativesItem Biopower and Geopolitics as Russia's neighbourhood strategies: reconnecting people or reaggregating lands?(Routledge, 2017) Makarychev, AndreyIn this article, we address geopolitics and biopower as two different yet mutually correlative discursive strategies of sovereign power in Russia. We challenge the dominant realist approaches to Russia’s neighborhood policy by introducing the concept of biopolitics as its key element, which makes analysis of political relations in the post-Soviet area more nuanced and variegated. More specifically, we address an important distinction between geopolitical control over territories and management of population as two of Russia’s strategies in its “near abroad.”Item Eastern Borderlands as Europe-Makers: (How) Can neighbours redefine the EU?(2017) Makarychev, AndreyA general and strategic effect of EU’s Association Agreements and DCFTAs with Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine has been the extension of the concept of Europe and its wider opening to neighborhoods and margins. It is on this basis that a European normative order can be differentiated from both the ‘Russian world’ and Eurasian geopolitical space. However this paper argues that the process of association is not a unilateral move, but a multilateral and reciprocal development; it is a way for Europe to know more about itself, and to politically redefine itself. The neighbourhood policy causes controversial effects on the EU. On the one hand, it consolidates the liberal minded groups within European societies eager to see the EU as a promoter of values of freedom and civic liberties to be projected eastwards and defended in EU’s neighborhood. On the other hand, the problems of practical implementation tend to solidify sceptical groups in both the EU and its associated neighbours that contest not only the deepening of EU’s engagement with Ukraine, but EU ’s normative project as a whole. The implementation of the joint strategy of the EU and its close neighbours faces a challenge of finding a proper balance between two dominant – yet to a large extent contradictory – approaches. One consists of capitalizing on these countries’ status as victims of Russia’s policies, countries whose very existence is under threat, which implies support and help from the EU. Another, requiring much more consistent efforts, is for the associated neighbouring states to emerge as positive showcases of transition, and useful partners contributing not only to the transformation process in post-Soviet area, but also to EU’s and NATO’s security. The recent three years made clear that the former alone does not guarantee to Ukraine, Georgia or Moldova a fully-fledged European voice.Item Economic aspects of migration and the refugee crisis in Europe: challenges and opportunities in a dramatic scenario(2017) Pataccini, Leonardo; Eamets, R.The world is currently facing the largest humanitarian crisis since the Second World War. The growing number of people displaced by civil conflict or natural disasters has increased dramatically in the recent years and this is posing enormous challenges to host countries. However, to date economic impacts of refugees in host and sending countries are controversial and arguably understood. Therefore, the aim of this article is to analyse how the traditional economic approach of migration and labour can help to understand and manage the refugees’ situation, as well as their potential benefits for all the parties involved. The present research concludes that, in the long run, refugee migration may have positive outcomes for sending and host economies, and for themselves. However, it is also emphasized that carefully designed refugee policies are critical to meet that goal, mainly focusing on two aspects: identification and integration.Item Empowerment of Domestic Stakeholders: From Outcome-oriented to Processoriented Europeanization in the ENP Countries(Routledge, London, New York, 2017, 2017) Nizhnikau, RyhorThis chapter examines the strategies of the European Union (EU) that aim at promoting institutional reforms in neighbouring countries such as Ukraine. It particularly addresses the question why does rule convergence vary at the sectoral level in Ukraine. It argues that EU policies are more efficient if they aim at flexible adaptation of rules to local needs and empower domestic actors to actively participate in reforms. However, the EU’s dominant approach instead promotes institutional monocropping and reinforces the capacities of the entrenched elites, which aim at the preservation of the status quo. The EU’s strategies are analyzed regarding the examples of anti-corruption reforms in the migration and environmental sectors in Ukraine.Item Estonia and the refugees: political discourses and artistic representations(2017) Makarychev, AndreyThe article addresses two dimensions of the refugee debate in Estonia – political discourses and cultural representations. The authors specifically focus on distinctions between the mainstream Estonian narrative and that of the Russophone community, as well as on the role of Russia and Europe as two major shapers of the refugee debateItem Estonia: Religious Association Restrictions of Same-Sex Couple Religious Rights(Krakow: NOMOS, 2017) Kilp, AlarEU law on same-sex unions (SSU) expects Member States to legally recognize the family life of same-sex couples in the form of marriage, partnership, or cohabitation. The normative expectation, which in about 2010 became a principled position of the EU institutions and the European Court of Human Rights, has not been endorsed by one Western European Member State (Italy) as well as the majority of the post-Communist Member States (Bulgaria, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania and Slovakia). There are a number of causes behind the failure to enact SSU laws: the legacies of the communist regimes, the prevalence of a certain interpretation of Christian doctrine, the medium level of economic affluence, and an unfavorable balance of power between the change and blocking coalitions of social, religious, and political actors. Unlike Western European countries, where the family life of same-sex unions was legally recognized primarily due to pressures from below (due to changes in public opinion and shifts in cultural values), governments and legislatures in most Central and Eastern European Member States are encouraged more from above (by the European Union and the Council of Europe). Therefore, the prospects for legal recognition of same-sex unions are slim in countries where the European normative agenda meets no significant support from domestic social values or religious and political actors. This conflict of national and EU forces is most likely to persist in Member States which are post-Soviet, culturally Orthodox, not shifted from materialist to post-materialist values, and governed by right-wing governmental coalitions.Item FEUTURE EU 28 Country Report. Estonia(2017-04) Braghiroli, Stefano; Vilson, MailiRelations between Estonia and Turkey received renewed impetus after 2004, when Estonia joined the European Union (EU) (while Turkey was in the process of securing the official candidate status) and NATO, of which Turkey has been a member since 1952. Since its accession, Estonia has played a generally constructive role at the EU level when it comes to both its institutional future and enlargement policy. Its key tenets, thereby, seem in line with the principled open-door approach advocated by the fellow Nordic countries.Item From Sochi - 2014 to FIFA - 2018: a Fading Sovereignty?(2017) Makarychev, Andrey; Yatsyk, AlexandraIn this article, we uncover the dynamics and the evolution of Russian discourses of sovereignty before and after the Sochi 2014 Olympic Games using some elements of Foucauldian methodology and constructivist reading of sovereignty as an institution. We argue that there is a discrepancy between the rhetoric of sovereign power and the institutional practices in which it is embedded. It leads us to theorize that sovereignty discourses are contextual, unstable and constitutively shaped by commitments taken as key elements of international socialization. In the case of Russia, these discourses can be divided into three groups: pre-Sochi, post-Sochi and pre-World 2018 Cup discursive formations. As we venture to demonstrate, Putin's model of sovereignty is in crisis, yet it has support, both domestic and international. In the near future, sport is likely to remain one of those spheres of high visibility where the ideology of surviving under sanctions and counter-attacking the West will be reified.Item From “Communautaire Spirit” to the “Ghosts of Maastricht”: European Integration and the Rise of Financialization(2017) Pataccini, LeonardoThe present article addresses the relationship between the process of economic integration of the European Union and the rise of financialization in the continental economy. For that purpose, it analyzes the policies applied and the main macroeconomic indicators of a selected group of countries. The conditions imposed by the Treaty of Maastricht and the Convergence Criteria show a strong neoliberal mark, in alignment with those of the Washington Consensus Agenda, promoting the development of the financial activities and favoring the interest of the financial actors to the detriment of other sectors, such as the industrial and the salaried and middle-income groups. The article also emphasizes the importance of the structural reforms applied, by arguing that it would have been impossible to meet the objectives of the Economic and Monetary Union without a substantial transformation of the European economy. Additionally, the article introduces a novel concept called “the paradox of financialization.” It refers to the increasing dependence of EU economies on the financial sector for economic growth, while the only way for the financial sector to expand is by engaging in riskier and more speculative practices. Consequently, this situation makes economic growth more unstable and cycles more volatile.Item Has economic voting changed? A comparative analysis of Italy and other Southern European countries(2017) Talving, Liisa; Braghiroli, StefanoThe financial and debt crisis caused severe economic and political instability in Italy. Economic hardship led to an array of unpopular policy measures, giving rise to public dissatisfaction and civil unrest. These dramatic developments call for a re-assessment of the basic link between the economy and political support. This article uses the European Election Studies (EES) Voter study data from 2004, 2009 and 2014 to investigate patterns of economic voting. We assess the magnitude of economic effects in Italy in comparison with other Southern European countries that in recent years have witnessed similar economic and political turmoil. The results point to a strong impact of economic conditions on incumbent support in Italy, Greece, Portugal and Spain. However, retrospective voting weakened amid the crisis, with Italian voters in particular placing less blame for economic conditions on the national government than before. Importantly, we also find a considerable increase in prospective voting in Italy. Despite the nation’s past economic experience, voters were willing to reward Renzi’s government when they believed that its policies would bring economic improvement.Item Implementing EU's Normative Agenda in the South Caucasus: Contradictory effects(Tbilisi: Georgian Institute of Politics, 2017) Berg, Eiki; Kilp, AlarIt is not a secret that the EU has sought to influence regional developments by imposing liberal democratic norms on the third countries interested in closer relations with the union. Given that this soft power approach may effect change, we analysed the role of EU normative powers in influencing human rights dialogues. We also saw how both the political establishments and societies at large have adapted to these new circumstances. Further to the east, the lever for Europeanization seems to be eroding. To that end, the EU has continuously reaffirmed that its support for and cooperation with target countries must be conditional on the promotion of civil liberties and democratic reforms. While there is concern that the EU’s normative policies may be ineffective if they are not fully implemented on the ground, it is possible that the prospect of EU integration could prove to be an attractive aspiration for large segments of these societies. Fully implementing EU norms, however, may drive these countries into conflict with the conservative mores sustained by the state/religious institutions.Item Introduction: Secession and Recognition in the Twenty-first Century(Springer International Publishing, 2017) Berg, Eiki; Doboš, Bohumil; Riegl, MartinQuestions of identity, secession, and (international) recognition are inherently interconnected.Item Lotman's Cultural Semiotics and the Political(London, New York: Rowman & Littlefield International, 2017) Makarychev, Andrey; Yatsyk, AlexandraThe authors analyse Lotman's semiotics in a series of temporal contexts, starting with the rigidity of Soviet-era ideologies, through to the post-Soviet de-politicization that - paradoxically enough - ended with the reproduction of Soviet-style hegemonic discourse in the Kremlin and ultimately reignited politically divisive conflicts between Russia and Europe. The book demonstrates how Lotman's ideas cross disciplinary boundaries and their relevance to many European theorists of cultural studies, discourse analysis and political philosophy. Lotman lived and worked in Estonia, which, even under Soviet rule, maintained its own borderland identity located at the intersection of Russian and European cultural flows. The authors argue that in this context Lotman’s theories are particularly revealing in relation to Russian-European interactions and communications, both historically and in a more contemporary sense.Item Migrant Integration Policy Index Health Strand. Country Report Estonia.(International Organization for Migration, 2017) Kallas, KristinaItem Normative Power: Some Theory Aspects and Contemporary Practice of Russia and the EU(2017) Pavlova, ElenaЦель статьи – разграничить понятия нормативная сила (НС) и мягкая сила (МС) и через данную призму показать развитие отношений России и Европейского союза. В теоретической части, отталкиваясь от конструктивистского подхода, авторы различают указанные понятия на основе их взаимоотношений с Другим и приводят три положения. Первое: МС – это инструмент внешней политики, сознательного манипулирования Другим, а НС – дискурсивная практика идентичности, которая не может использоваться инструментально, ее цель – распространение норм. Второе: МС сохраняет дистанцию между агентом и реципиентом, тогда как НС предполагает возможность ее преодоления, включение Другого. Для этого могут использоваться как территориальные, так и темпоральные критерии. Третье: закат НС связан с ее успехом, переосмыслением норм, а также расширением ее агентов за счет включения Других, т.е. реципиентов, тогда как потенциал и длительность МС определяются, главным образом, ее агентом. В эмпирической части прослеживаются вехи становления НС Евросоюза и возникшие в последнее время проблемы: новый виток обсуждения ценностей, увеличение агентов НС Европы за счет новых стран-членов. Авторы также рассматривают диалектику отношений России и Евросоюза через различия НС и МС. Продемонстрировано, что Брюссель эволюционировал в этих отношениях от НС начала 1990-х годов к МС на нынешнем этапе. Москва, в свою очередь, двигалась от восприятия НС Евросоюза как реципиент к требованиям признать ее в качестве агента НС. Показано, что это включение произошло для России, но не для ЕС, что порождает ожесточенные споры. Наконец, авторы обращаются к причинам неспособности России сформировать свою НС, среди которых акцент на деидеологизации отношений, на инструментализацию ресурсов, а также существование в идейно-нормативном поле Европы. Все это позволяет России успешно применять МС, но мешает появлению НС, в рамках которой Россия могла бы выступать в качестве основного агента. В современном мире, однако, НС является одним из важнейших элементов для признания актора международных отношений центром силы.