Sirvi Autor "Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja" järgi

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The adaptation of discourses on nuclear energy in times of crisis
(Tartu Ülikool, 2023) Pritchard, Thomas Luke; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The following research seeks to answer the question, how did the discourse surrounding nuclear energy adapt to account for the multiple crises present in 2022? To gain an answer to this question, a comparative study of the US and the UK is conducted, and their discourses over the course of January to October 2022 are analysed. This is done via a study of five mainstream media outlets within each state, using a critical discourse analysis (CDA) theory and methodology. Additionally, a conceptualisation of a crisis as an event which generates a dislocation in the hegemonic articulation of nuclear energy, that was previously dominant, is utilised. In a situation where multiple crises are present the different articulations have one crisis placed at the centre as the primary source of dislocation, and thus, as the crisis which a hegemonic articulation should address. In both the US and the UK, prior to the presence of multiple crises in 2022, there was a hegemonic articulation of nuclear energy, which passively supported it, but did not invest much into it and was allowing it to slowly decline. Through implementing a two-level CDA approach to the discourse in both states, first at the level of the text and then at the level of the ideologies these texts are part of, the new articulations can be accounted for. Over the course of 2022 it can be seen that in the US three new articulations emerge, two of these centre the climate crisis as the primary source of dislocation, ‘Nuclear Energy Against the Environment’ and ‘Nuclear Energy for the Environment’. The other centres the security crisis, ‘Nuclear Energy for Security’. In the UK four distinct articulations emerge, with two that centre the economic crisis as the primary source of dislocation, ‘Nuclear Energy for the Economy’ and ‘Nuclear Energy Against the Economy’. The other two centre the climate crisis, ‘Nuclear Energy for the Environment’ and ‘Nuclear Energy Against the Environment’. Finally, following the CDA framework, the second level of analysis is utilised to highlight the broad ideologies each articulation is factored into, which construct a reality that conveys the articulation as the most suited to take on the role of hegemonic articulation.
Baltic sea region identity construction in political elites discourse
(Tartu Ülikool, 2013) Seyidov, Allahshukur; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Can you hear the ngochani? An exploration of how queer activists in Southern Africa reflect on their subalternity
(Tartu Ülikool, 2023) Kolovos, Athanasios William; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This research focuses on how queer activists in Zambia and Zimbabwe reflect on their subalternity in a postcolonial context. More specifically, it aims to explore whether queer activists in Zambia and Zimbabwe consider themselves subaltern in the relationship with their own governments and western organizations The study combines Antonio Gramsci's concept of subaltern, postcolonial theory, and queer theory. My research argues that the study of queer individuals as subalterns are underdeveloped, particularly in Africa, and aims to fill this gap. The research question is how queer activists in Zambia and Zimbabwe reflect on their subalternity as determined by conflicting identifications with the West and their native cultures. This research surveys queer activists in Zambia and Zimbabwe to explore a potential dual subalternity, where queer activists are excluded from the dominant hegemonic orders of Western imperialism and their government. The thesis also briefly overviews homosexuality in pre-colonial Africa and how colonialism altered African sexual practices, leading to homophobia in Zambia and Zimbabwe. The starting point for the empirical inquiry is a Critical Discourse Analysis of 33 Zambian and Zimbabwean news articles about homosexuality and LGBT activism. It establishes that three primary discourses are occurring related to queer activism: Religious, anti-west, and Public Health discourses. I take these findings and conduct an anonymous open-ended survey with ten queer activists, followed by an autoethnographic reflection. The findings from this survey suggest that queer activists do not feel completely marginalized from mainstream discourses. Additionally, the findings suggest that queer activists maintain that they have support from Western organizations and the media, specifically social media. The findings from both the CDA and open-ended surveys are then integrated together. This research suggests that queer activists reflect on their subalternity in three categories: Dual Subalternity, Contextual Subalternity, and Stereotypical Subalternity. My autoethnographic reflection is significant as it provides a personal perspective on the power dynamics and assumptions embedded in the research inquiry. Specifically, I accentuate the oversaturation of Western scholars in postcolonial studies and the opposition of queer NGOs towards engaging with Western inquiries. This research concludes with caution to Western postcolonial scholars who aim to apply Western concepts to non-Western groups.
Centre-periphery relations in Germany: how Nord Stream 2 led to the stigmatisation of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern
(Tartu Ülikool, 2023) de Lange, Verena; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This research concerns itself with the stigmatisation process of the German Bundesland Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania. It argues that the German behavioural norm guiding accepted foreign policy regarding Russia changed drastically after the invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. This change in behavioural norm led to the stigmatisation of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, which had, up until that point, a very pro-Russia attitude. The stigma which was subsequently attached to the state was that of a community of Russlandversteher. The analysis shows that this pro-Russia attitude can be attributed to the presence of Nord Stream 2 in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania. The project came with investments and job security which the peripheral state needed, which led the political elites of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania to pursue a Russia-friendly foreign policy. This cumulated in the set-up by the state’s prime-minister Manuela Schwesig of a Foundation which was meant to safeguard the construction of Nord Stream. 2 This choice led to a lot of criticism back in Spring 2022, when it turned out that Nord Stream AG had a lot more say in the Foundation than it was assumed, and this resulted in a lot of negative press attention for the state. This research analyses these news articles and shows that the media discourse is controlled by elites from the centre, who are responsible for stigmatising Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania. The periphery, in turn, is not a powerless entity, but engages in stigma-management in the discourse. This results in counter-narratives and denial of the stigma. Ultimately, the stigmatisation and counter-stigmatisation can be seen as a discursive struggle surrounding an abrupt change in the behavioural norm. The stigmatisation of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania contributes to the further peripheralisation of the state.
Consequences of consociationalism in North Macedonia: the changing inter-community relationship in elite discourse
(Tartu Ülikool, 2021) Ajruli, Omar; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The fall of Yugoslavia resulted into the independence several countries among them Macedonia (North Macedonia now). However, the government form of new country brought mixed feelings for its citizens. Eventually frustrations for better representation of the ethnic Albanian in the new independent country led to an armed revolt. The revolt between ethnic Albanians and ethnic Macedonians in 2001 resulted in the signing of the Ohrid Framework Agreement. The Ohrid Agreement introduced a Consociational government form in Macedonia. My research aim is to find how discourse has changed among Macedonians and Albanian political elite by the implementation of Consociational in the country. Using critical discourse analysis in a diachronic research design this thesis will contribute to the argument that Consociationalism has been successful in changing the political elite discourse in North Macedonia. A line can be drawn that with the introduction of Consociationalism in the country change in identification and vocabulary as well a decline in polarization and political elites’ activities/behaviour has been changed. Additionally, the intervening factor is that Consociationalism worked in conjunction with the main external factors for North Macedonia that being the EU.
A (de)construction of normative power Europe: the case of military intervention in Libya
(Tartu Ülikool, 2013) Leek, Maria; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Deconstructing contemporary Russian national Identity: analysing discursive reactions to crisis situations
(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Kuzmiankova, Aliautsina; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The following thesis addresses Russian identity in times of crises and the differences between the official pro-government discourse and the discourse in the public sphere. In order to trace contemporary Russian national identity, I use discourse analysis of three cases of crises: the war in Syria, the conflict in Ukraine and the refugee crisis in Europe. As conflict situations, crises and wars involve opposition between two or more sides. Therefore, drawing on Hopf’s idea that identities are relational, identities become more explicit in crises situations as they are shown in relation and opposition to each other. The other aim of this research is to find differences between the official discourse and the discourse in the public sphere. This is done through discourse analysis of the pro-government popular media outlets (for the official discourse) and pro-government bloggers (for the discourse in the public sphere). I argue that discourse differs in those too. Drawing on Foucauldian ‘truth regime’ and concepts of body and power, I contribute another topic for the analysis - body control through homophobic sentiments. Based on the notion that the state needs to take control over the human body, fertility and demography (which is particularly important during the time of crisis), I argue that biopolitics is a leitmotif for the other aforementioned topics and has to be taken into account. I also argue that strong support for the promotion of traditional values is used as a tool to strengthen identity building.
Discourses of danger: Russian identity production in the Syrian conflict
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Metcalf, Kimberly I.; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This Master’s thesis is a poststructuralist discourse analysis for a single case study and one event research problem. Drawing on an existing body of literature in the realm of discourse analysis, poststructuralism and securitization, I examine Russian official discourse to reveal the nexus between the internal and external security dimensions of Russian foreign policy as it relates to Russian domestic and foreign anxieties resulting in identifiable repetitious acts of identity production. This focus allows me to interrogate the discursive structures and to reveal the performative nature as seen through the continuous repetition of acts, which can be seen as articulations of antagonisms towards the ‘West’ and ‘terrorists’ in the Russian official discourse domestically and in the Syrian conflict. By linking together security, foreign policy and identity, a pattern of oscillating threat postulation is observed, initially, by other scholars in the early 2000s, and then through my case study. I see a re-emergence of a similar pattern of discourse repeating itself in the Syrian conflict. I examine the formal rhetoric of the Russian government in the context of the Syrian conflict through analysis of the official discourse, and secondary sources from professional analysts (academics, think tanks and other referent opinions). This research design follows the framework as explained by Lene Hansen which includes four significant components (1) number of selves (2) intertextual models, (3) temporal perspective and (4) number of events. (2006: 66) This is a single case study which covers one self–Russia. This research design includes one event, which is Russia’s foreign policy in the Syrian conflict. From the temporal perspective, I cover one event and two time periods (1) Construction of the ‘Threat of Chaos:’ as articulated in Post-Arab Spring Reflections 2011-2015 (2) Construction of the ‘Threat of Terrorism:’ Post-Russian Military Intervention Reflections 2015-2020.
Discovering connections between economic and political dependence in the context of Russia-Georgia economic relations
(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Merebashvili, Lika; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This Master’s thesis examines social dimension of the economic dependence and foreign policy compliance of Georgia to Russia in order to explain foreign policy choices of the governments of Georgia. According to the mainstream IPE scholarship, higher the economic dependence, more prone the dependent partner is to make political compromises for the benefit of the dominant. Though, this logic is not applicable to the case of the Georgia-Russia relations which is why economic nationalism - as the construction of set of discourses which define frame for the economic policy decisions - is brought into analysis to suggest better explanation of the connection between economic and political dependence. The 2003-2016 period is chosen as the time frame for the analysis where 2003-2007 and 2012-2016 years are analyzed with utmost scrutiny since they correspond to the periods when the governments of Georgia made contrasting policy actions towards relations with Russia: resisted to make compromises in the foreign policy when the economic dependence on Russia was high in 2006-2007 and turned to the concessions when the economic dependence was the lowest in the history of Russia-Georgia relations. The thesis elaborates a novel methodology combining the quantitative and qualitative techniques and finds that economic nationalism gives relevance to the economic dependence and triggers political concessions from the decision-makers.
Dissensus in post-2012 Russian art: self-perceptions vis-à-vis the West
(Tartu Ülikool, 2021) Tadevosyan, Azniv; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This research looks into the dissensus in post-2012 Russian art, particularly music and performance art. The goal of the study is twofold. First it attempts to reveal the main Russian identity patterns as presented by the non-conformist artists. Second, it tries to reveal how these artists depict the Russian identity in regard to the West. To that end, the thesis employs the concept of dissensus introduced by Jacques Rancière (2010), which is the indirect dispute with the established framework of the consensus or the hegemonic discourse defining what is taken for granted and viewed as ‘the proper’. The selected sample of artworks is analysed using the Making Identity Count inductive discourse analysis method to recover the relatively stable national identity discourses. Nevertheless, this research uses it as an efficient tool for revealing the identity patterns that guide the meaning creation process of the selected dissident artists. The main conclusions of the research are as follows. The dissensus in post- 2012 contemporary Russian art deconstructs the hegemonic identity patterns opening opportunities for potential new identifications. The research also shows that the West – Russia identity dichotomy is not relevant as depicted in the selected sample of artworks. Moreover, among the selected dissident artists this dichotomy is subjected to constructive criticism.
The dynamic of the discursive construction of Europeanness and Eastness in the European Union’s discourse on Ukraine, 2004-2016
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Ng, Chun Sing Iverson; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Efficiency of the third energy package: Gazprom vs. Lithuania, case study
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Safonova, Anastassia; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The Third Energy Package of the European Commission, enforced in March 2011, brought significant changes to the energy market of the European Union while implementing anti-monopolistic measure of unbundling. Most of all the measures will influence highly monopolised gas-dependent markets of Eastern Europe, especially Baltic States, who rush into implementing the measures hoping to gain energy independence. By studying a single case of a conflict between Lithuania and Gazprom, so far erupted around the new measures, via the analysis of recent events and previous actors’ behaviour tendencies, the thesis concludes that, in a short-term perspective, Third Energy Package regulations are unprofitable and even dangerous to develop within the monopolized gas market of Lithuania taking into account the lack of alternative energy sources and gas suppliers as well as of financial reserves for energy infrastructure transformation. It is proposed, that factual de-monopolization of the energy sector should be realized before implementing relevant administrative regulations.
Europeanisation, globalisation, and unconventional energy: a stepwise comparison of telecommunications and energy in Estonia and Poland, 1990-2011
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Camba, Alvin A.; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
To what extent did Europeanisation matter in the policy transformation telecommunications and energy of new member states? While Europeanisation literature has traced the EU’s influence during the accession period, the task for the second generation of researchers is to identify rigorously the impact of Europeanisation by untangling it from other possible processes, particularly globalisation, and to identify the continuation of Europeanisation after membership. Using semi-structured interviews and policy documents, I trace liberalisation and independent regulation in Estonia and Poland’s telecommunications and energy. By using the stepwise comparative method, I argue that the link between the EU level regulatory regime and policy transformations in public utilities is weak. Instead, I forward that Estonia and Poland are able to internalise globalisation by managing and harnessing its economic and political opportunities. Specifically, this can be seen in two levels. First, for public utilities, the type of capitalism and state size are organising logics of policy transformation, which largely influence the extent and form of market and governance shifts. While some argue that globalisation leads to a process of economic and social institutionalisation, I argue that, alongside public policy literature, it is convergence towards regulatory capitalism. Although there are generated pressures from the EU to push for policy transformation before and after membership, the EU mainly facilitates the agenda of policy transformation, but the reasons for policy shifts in public utilities go back to the organising logics of state capitalism and state size. Second, I argue that, specific to the energy sector, that unconventional energy influences the state’s expectations of globalisation by opening new political and economic spaces. In particular, it indirectly influences policy transformation in energy by giving opportunities to states and involving more actors. Resources are not just technical and natural objects to empower the state, but they parlay social relations. Shale energy in both countries modifies the social relations of the state and society within, between, and amongst the international community. The key point is that resources modify the state’s expectations of globalisation by opening new political and economic spaces.
Factors influencing mobility of teachers from Harjumaa and Ida-Virumaa regions in the frame of lifelong learning programme Comenius
(Tartu Ülikool, 2011) Trocin, Ana; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Trasberg, Karmen, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Teacher mobility is a process with old routes in the history, but its importance was emphasized only in the past 25 years, once education sector of member states became an important subject on European agenda. The interest for teacher mobility and as a result the great support provided emerged along with establishment of main priorities of European Union among which raising awareness of member states citizens about EU citizenships became a primary goal. In this order Lifelong Learning Programme Comenius was especially designed for the education area to offer the framework to schools‘ actors for participation in international mobility activities. Theoretical framework regarding mobility ―as a process of change affecting modes of behaviour or trajectories of individuals or social groups‖ was enriched concomitantly. Besides the positive achievements on the path of teacher mobility developments, there were met obstacles and limits discussed in the specialized literature on education and teacher mobility. On the other hand precise estimates on teacher mobility in Estonia comprising researches on affects and teachers‘ approach towards mobility are lacking. This research was carried out to identify the main factors affecting the decision making process of teachers from Estonian schools from Ida-Virumaa and Harjumaa to participate in international mobility activities in the frame of Comenius programme. Furthermore policy recommendations were made based on the findings in the study in order to decrease the negative impact of the identified factors on teachers‘ approach towards international mobility.
Gender issue and the process of nation-building: the case of Ukraine
(Tartu Ülikool, 2014) Jevgrafova, Galina; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Gaining independence in 1991 has brought many challenges for the new Ukrainian state. Among those challenges was a struggle to find new national identity. As an attempt to do so, a look back to the pre-Soviet times, particularly to the values of “traditional Ukrainian family” was used as a chance to go back to the national roots. Consequently, a highly essentialist approach both to nation and to gender issues, e.g. division of duties in family, has become very popular and influential in Ukrainian public and political debates. The aim of the paper is to analyse how these issues – process of nation-building and gender issue – interact and affect each other. The thesis is theoretically framed by Brubaker’s concept of “nationalizing states” and the role of gender issue in the newly independent states. The study is empirically based on the speeches, interviews, statements and other political texts of the most influential Ukrainian politicians of the time of the first three Presidents – Leonid Kuchma, Viktor Yushchenko and Viktor Yanukovych. The political texts of the political elite expressesing opinions on the process of nation-building, finding Ukrainian national idea, together with views on gender roles and women’s position in the society are chosen for critical discourse analysis. The analysis concludes that regardless the fact that Ukrainian politicians of different parties try to distance themselves from each other, their views on the above mentioned topics are very similar and highly essentialist. Thus, women are supposed to contribute to the construction of the Ukrainian nation through giving birth to children and children’s patriotic upbringing, together with taking care of their husbands and inspiring them to great achievements in the sake of Ukraine.
Homophobia in the contemporary Russia: a queer postcolonial approach
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Ferreira Almeida, Caio; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis aims to investigate the phenomenon of contemporary homophobia in Russia as mutually inseparable foreign and domestic constitutive phenomenon as part of the complex interplay of Russian-West international relations. For this task, the thesis analyses homophobia through the lens of postcolonial framework and the queer critiques on notions of sovereignty as construction of sovereign knowable subject. The advantage of the postcolonial framework of analysis is precisely the possibility of a broad intersystem understanding of the phenomenon aligning domestic and systemic levels. The postcolonial is also particularly fruitful framework for case studies which deals inherently with the challenge to allow sufficient degree of generalisation that allows further comparisons and pays enough attention to the specific contextual location, postcolonial framework has enough degree of generalisation due to emphasis on the structure combined to sensitivity to the local context due to valorisation of local subject. In this context Russia should be seen as part of the postcolonial space, despite of fact Russia has never been formally occupied by any Western nation-state, Russia colonised itself on behalf of Europe in a self-orientalist process, since the Tsarist times Russia has an ambiguous relation with the West of being mutually othering and being othered by Europe. The analysis of public Russian discourses on LGBT issues in the last 15 years, surveys legal texts and NGO reports about the situation of mass persecution of LGBT people in Chechnya suggest that the foundations of contemporary homophobia are constituted in this complex dialectical interplay between subaltern and imperial aspects of Russian international relations. This situation of Russia as a former superpower in the recent past and then a state rendered as subaltern in the present in a Western hegemonic order leads to a perception of threat on its sovereignty, one key manifestation of this anxious with sovereignty is homophobia which represents to Russia not only a powerful symbol of negation of Western liberal normative order but also an attempt to subvert the chrononormative narrative of evolutionary development in which the West sits as the last point of evolution by setting the West as decadent and degenerated because of acceptance of homosexuality and Russia as the real guardian of the real European values, now lost in the real Europe.
How war becomes possible? : The Bush administration and its securitization of Iraq
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Akpan, Ndueso; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis examines the 2003 US-Iraq war in order to provide an explanation regarding how the war became possible. Also, the thesis provides an insight into the outbreak of the war through the lens of securitization theory and how the United States (US) framed Iraq as a security threat which resulted in the authorization of emergency measures (war). This thesis is not about why the US-Iraq war happened or the motivations surrounding the invasion. In addition to how the war became possible, the study looks at how the war became legitimized by a broader public and how the use of force became the only course of action against Iraq. The thesis argues that the successful securitization of Iraq made possible/provided conditions of possibility for going to war.
Identifying changes in narratives in Chinese propaganda using multimodal discourse analysis
(Tartu Ülikool, 2022) Ruhl, Grayson; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Weatherley, Robert, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The fields of Chinese foreign policy soft-power is a fiercely debated areas of study. However, the narratives espoused by the Chinese government and more directly, the Chinese Communist Party are often ignored outside of formal publications. One of the most ignored subjects is how the Chinese government attempts to craft its own image in the international system. This thesis will use multimodal discourse analysis to analyze changes in narratives presented in music videos created by the Chinese government under the leadership of Hu Jintao for the Olympics. The analysis will cover various aspects of the videos such as lyrics, visuals and participants to explain the cultural contexts behind them and how they change over time. The analysis will begin with the pivotal Beijing Olympics in 2008 and end near 2012 just before the confirmation of Xi Jinping. The analysis demonstrates a China that begins unsure of how to present itself to the international community and changes over a course of four years to become far more confident in its place in the international community and its overall image. This increase in confidence is what set the stage for Xi Jinping’s more assertive policies beginning after 2012.
Konfliktide lahendamine kahe riigi vahel pärast sõjalisi kokkupõrkeid Venemaa ning Türgi ja Iisraeli lennukiintsidentide näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Stepanov, Aleksandr; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
See töö analüüsib Venemaa poliitikat Lähis-Idas. Kaks Venemaa sõjalennukid olid maha lastud Türgi ja Süüria sõjavägede poolt, kuid teisel juhtumil süüdistas Venemaa Iisraeli maha laskmises. Kaks lennukiintsidendi on sarnased, kuid Venemaa käitus erinevalt Türgi ja Iisraeli puhul. Kuigi lõppude lõpuks saavutas Venemaa rahu kahe riigiga. Selle töö käigus võrdleb autor kaht lennukiintsidendi. Eesmärgiks on aru saada, mis mõjutas Venemaa välispoliitikat kahe intsidendi puhul ja püstitada hüpoteesi - missugust välispoliitikat teostab Venemaa Türgi ja Iisraeli vastu.
Negotiating hegemony: the discursive construction of geopolitical space in Kazakhstani foreign policy
(Tartu Ülikool, 2023) Ziogas, Adam; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
With heightened tensions between Russia and the West, and the growing influence of China, the geopolitical situation in Central Asia is actively changing. This brings into question the nature of the relationship between the Central Asian states and Russia. While engaged in necessary pragmatic relations with Moscow, Kazakhstan has needed to assert its independence and autonomy, especially at a time when the world is becoming more geopolitically unstable. This study specifically explores how the construction of geopolitical space in Kazakhstani discourse acts as a tool to limit regional hegemony. Through a Critical Discourse Analysis of Kazakhstani governmental and media output, it finds that the construction of regional spaces contributes to the limitation of regional hegemonic power. The emphasis on Central Asian regionalism creates a core within Eurasian integration processes which defends Central Asian interests against undue Russian influence. Similarly, the active promotion of multilateral regional formats across Asia introduces China as a counterweight to Russian influence. This simultaneously anchors them both in multilateral forums, preventing either one from becoming a hegemonic regional power. As such, this demonstrates that smaller states have an active role in negotiating the limits of great power competition.