Sirvi Märksõna "Abhaasia" järgi

Nüüd näidatakse 1 - 7 7

listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs ,
Contested names: (re)naming of places and nation-building in Soviet Georgia
(Tartu Ülikool, 2022) Ahmadzada, Shujaat; Reisner, Oliver, juhendaja; Gibson, Catherine Helen, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This study examines the renaming of settlements in Soviet Georgia. The goal of the research is to determine the extent to which toponym change was employed as a strategy to build the Soviet Georgian nation. Since toponyms are not chosen at random by political authorities, studying toponyms can reveal a lot about the attitudes, perceptions, and ideologies of those in positions of political authority. The article's focus is on the events that caused toponyms to change rather than the examination of toponyms from a linguistic perspective. The toponym is viewed as a performative act in this article rather than an inscription. Having stated that, the study first seeks to understand the nature of national spaces created in Soviet Georgia before examining the situation of the country's ethno-political system.
listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs ,
Democratisation and political regimes in de facto states: a comparative analysis of levels of freedom and fairness in parliamentary elections in Abkhazia (2022) and South Ossetia (2019)
(Tartu Ülikool, 2023) Beslier, Marie; Florea, Adrian, juhendaja; Reisner, Oliver, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Over the past 30 years, Abkhazia and South Ossetia’s remarkable endurance has made them well-known cases on the list of de facto states. They have held regular elections, adopting an organisation that mimics that of recognised states, with a political arena invested by candidates nominated by parties and regulated by monitoring bodies, all within a legal framework. However, notwithstanding their notable similarities, the two de facto states would appear to have developed two very different ways of doing politics. While Abkhazia seems to have displayed evidence of a genuine political life, South Ossetia has espoused a "façade" regime, with ostensibly democratic bodies that in reality conceal an authoritarian style of rule. The research question underlying this study is therefore as follows: how is it to be explained that Abkhazia has apparently developed genuine democratic features, whereas they appear to be merely a façade in South Ossetia? This research falls within the scope of the literature on de facto states and is intended to fill a theoretical gap with domestic issues that are still under-addressed in favour of macro issues. Furthermore, this research has integrated the literature on democratisation and political regimes originally applied to recognised states, insofar as many de facto states have shown similar operating features. Drawing upon a comparative case study of the levels of freedom and fairness during the latest parliamentary elections in Abkhazia (2022) and South Ossetia (2019), and supported by the results of eight semi-structured interviews, this research aimed first of all at providing an initial discussion of the type of political regime in force in these two de facto states. Preliminary results have demonstrated that Abkhazia has adopted a hybrid form of regime, and that the concept of competitive authoritarian regime would seem to be more appropriate than that of ethnocracy, which has long been attributed to it. As regards South Ossetia, the elections revealed a total lack of freedom and fairness, favouring the hypothesis of a fully authoritarian regime. The second part of this research enabled the identification of seven potential factors to explain the discrepancies of the two de facto regimes types : the geography of the territory (F1), the state of the economy (F2), the Soviet legacy (F3), nationalism (F4), patron state interference (F5), international aid for the development of civil society (F6) and independence aspirations (F7). From a theoretical point of view, this research has shed light on an essential aspect of the political life of de facto states: elections. Furthermore, it has paved the way for future research into the question of political regimes and how literature applied to recognised states can provide valuable assistance. From a practical point of view, this research has confirmed the difficulty of such an enterprise, where methodological obstacles must not give rise to superficial applications of democratic factors, calling for semantic and scientific prudence. Finally, this research paves the way for further discussion on the façade of the South Ossetian regime, the components of which seem to reveal a more complex reality, while the increased unfairness of elections in Abkhazia seems to nuance the eulogies about its democratic nature, stressing the importance of not considering political regimes as immutable entities, but as constantly fluctuating on the political regime continuum.
listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs ,
Eesti kolhoos Musta mere ääres : [Stalini-nimeline eesti kolhoos Salme külas Gruusia NSV-s]
(1948) Tomberg, Tamara
listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs ,
Ethnopolitical regimes and state-minority relations: a comparative case study of Abkhazia, Javakheti and Kvemo Kartli in Georgia
(Tartu Ülikool, 2021) Tappeiner, Julia; Kallas, Kristina, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
After the collapse of the Soviet Union (SU), recently independent governments with heterogenous populations had to find ways to establish a new political power balance between the ethnic groups. But while some nation-building processes resulted in peaceful ethnopolitical confrontations, other state-minority relations developed into ethnic war and secessionism. This master thesis seeks to explain different outcomes of relationships between a government and its ethnic minorities in the context of ethnopolitics and ethnic conflict. Two variables accounting for ethnic conflict are: exclusion of non-core groups and a high political mobilization of ethnic minorities. Starting from there, this study analyzes when a host-state decides to exclude non-core groups from state power, as well as what factors account for a high political mobilization of an ethnic minority. The mechanisms are deduced from two main theories – the politics of nation-building by Mylonas (2013) and ethnopolitical situations by Pettai (n.d.) – and applied in a few-n comparative study to three Georgian minorities: from the most violent form in Abkhazia to a milder form of unrest of Armenians in Javakheti and finally a case with a very low mobilization potential of Azeris in Kvemo Kartli. The comparative study shows that the decision of a host-state to exclude a minority is influenced by the international alliance-system. The political mobilization and consequently the reaction of a minority group to an exclusionary ethnopolitical regime depends on the resources it has gathered throughout historical processes, including the support of an external ally, grievances or strong social cohesion. The thesis is one of the few studies accounting for the relationship between all three players involved in ethnopolitical relations – the state, the minority and external powers – and for the broader geopolitical context of ethnic power struggles. Hence, this study crucially adds to the ability of understanding the mechanisms of ethnopolitics and conflict. Finally, this thesis is the first study that compares Javakheti and Kvemo Kartli in their differences, contributing to our understanding of nation-building processes and minority behavior in an under-researched part of the post-soviet space.
listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs ,
Legitimacy and ethnic politics in de facto states: rhetoric, legislation and reality in Abkhazia and Kosovo
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Drayton, James Robin; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis investigates three closely related research questions. The first is how de facto states make use of minority rights norms to garner legitimacy on the international stage. The second is how de facto states’ desire for international legitimacy is reflected in legislation relevant to ethnic issues. The third is how the desire for international legitimacy – and the legal framework – actually affects ethnic politics and the situation of minorities. These questions are explored through a two-case comparative study, comparing Kosovo and Abkhazia. Qualitative methods are used to analytically compare the two cases with regards to official rhetoric on the international stage, legislation and the situation on the ground. It is found that in Kosovo minority rights norms have moulded legislation and official rhetoric, but have not penetrated deeply into the actual behaviour of policy-makers and have only yielded modest results on the ground. In Abkhazia it is found that the norms have had some effect on official rhetoric, but little to none on legislation or praxis. In both cases it is observed that international minority rights norms are reinterpreted to fit pre-existing, ethnocentric narratives and then used in legitimation strategies. It is hypothesized that greater international engagement results in rhetoric and legislation that more closely comply with international norms, but that this will only translate into praxis in the presence of material incentives. It is also hypothesized that norms are more likely to be adopted the more compatible they are with pre-existing norms and identities.
listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs ,
The role of civil society organisations in ethnic conflict resolution in Georgia: challenges and opportunities
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Cherkezia, Nika; Ehin, Piret, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Ethnic conflicts in Georgia have almost 30-year-long history. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, two Georgian regions – Abkhazia and Samachablo (so called South Ossetia) claimed independence. These two regions were/are militarily and politically supported by Russia. International actors and organisation like UN, EU and OSCE have also participated in round table meetings between the parties. However all of negotiations at the official level have failed to resolve the conflicts. Instead, Georgia and Russia do not have diplomatic relations with each other and waged war in 2008. Hence, it is of huge significance to look into the opportunities and challenges for the civil society organisations in the process of conflict transformation. Therefore the aim of the thesis is to contribute to the existent literature about the challenges and opportunities faced by civil society organisations (CSOs) while working for ethnic conflict resolution in Georgia. The main focus was to analyse the role and the activities of the CSOs to discuss the problems that hinder them from conducting productive projects in the conflict regions. The research has shown that civil society organisations face common challenges, which have different solutions according to the characteristics of the problem. The thesis is a good basis for further research on the issue of the ethnic conflicts in Georgia.
listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs ,
The role of collective memory in the Georgian-Abkhaz reconciliation process: obstacle or opportunity?
(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Bernardi, Rossana; Darchiashvili, David, juhendaja; Florea, Adrian, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The present research seeks to uncover the dynamics between forms of collective memory and current reconciliation processes between Georgia and the de facto state of Abkhazia. Based on assumptions derived from theoretical perspectives on dynamics of memory in relation to reconciliation after violent conflict, this thesis argues that reconciliation can be both negatively and positively affected by collective memory. The data utilized to address the topic was collected through interviews with civil society activists who are working on initiatives that deal with the legacy of painful memories in Georgia and Abkhazia. Through thematic analysis, it was confirmed that collective memory poses obstacles to reconciliation, in terms of mutually-exclusive narratives that discourage dialogue and the change of perceptions of conflicting parts. At the same time, various formats of dialogue and reconciliation taking place in Abkhazia and Georgia were described and assessed in terms of their potential in encouraging reconciliation.