Sirvi Märksõna "Armeenia" järgi

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Ameerika Ühendriikide de iure tunnustus Armeeniale 1920. ja 1991. aastal ning võrdlus Balti riikidega
(Tartu Ülikool, 2014) Ant, Verner; Medijainen, Eero, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Ajaloo ja arheoloogia instituut; Tartu Ülikool. Filosoofiateaduskond
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Armenia Vetus : In Quattuor Partes distincta ad Tempora Iustiniani Imp.
(Lutetiae : Petrus Mariette, 1653) LaRue, Philippe de, 1683-1761, Sanson, Nicolas
Kaart atlasest: Atlas Sanson / Sanson, Nicolas. 1688. - Tiitelleheta atlase 14. kaart
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Avaliku arvamuse kujundamine Venemaa siseriiklikus meedias 2020. aasta Mägi-Karabahhi konflikti näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2021) Kudrjavtseva, Olga; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Meedia tänapäeval ei ole lihtsalt informatsiooni edastaja. Lai auditoorium, teabe edastamise kiirus ja meedia kättesaadavus võimaldab kasutada meediat poliitilistel eesmärkidel, kujundades teatud avaliku arvamust. Autoritaarsetes režiimides on meedia eriti haavatav poliitiliste eesmärkide elluviimiseks, kuna see on valitsuse kontrolli all. Avalik arvamus on oluline võimu ja valitsuse otsuste legitimiseerimises. Selleks, et võim oleks täielikult legitiimne, peavad elanikud olema sellega nõus ning teatud avaliku arvamuse kujundamise abil tekitatakse arusaama, et tehtav otsus on õige ja vajalik. Avalik arvamus autoritaarses režiimis on vahend poliitilise eesmärgi – võimu legitimiseerimise – saavutamiseks. Antud töö eesmärk oli uurida Mägi-Karabahhi konflikti kajastamist Venemaa siseriiklikus meedias. Konflikti osapoolteks olid Armeenia ja Aserbaidžaan ning mõlema osapoolega on Venemaal sõbralikud suhted. Venemaa osales relvarahukokkuleppe saavutamises ning selle tulemusena olid viidud konfliktitsooni vene sõjaväelased rahu tagamiseks. Venemaa ametlik positsioon konfliktis oli neutraalne. Töö käigus otsiti vastust küsimusele, missuguse avaliku arvamuse kujundati ning mil määral hoiti meedias neutraalsust, mida ametlik joon väljendas. Kvalitatiivse sisuanalüüsi meetodit kasutades olid analüüsitud RIA meediaväljaande uudiseartiklid tuvastamaks konflikti osapoolte ja teiste toimijate kajastust. Oli leitud, et kuigi uudiseartiklites seisukohti väljendades säilitasid Venemaa valitsuse esindajad, poliitikategelased ja eksperdid neutraalsust, domineeris meedias pilt, mille kohaselt oli Aserbaidžaan konflikti agressor ning meedia oli seega Armeenia kasuks. Meedia järelikult hoidis neutraalsust vaid teatud määral. Venemaa kajastus meedias oli aga väga positiivne. Venemaa oli kajastatud meedias kui vajalik toimija konflikti lahendamiseks. Kujundati selline avalik arvamus, mille baasil võib väita, et Venemaa otsus viia konfliktitsooni sõjaväelasi rahu tagamiseks oli õige ja vajalik ning otsus oli seega legitiimne.
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Demokraatia konsolideerimine: Armeenia ja Gruusia viimase kahe parlamendivalimise järel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2014) Lill, Mari; Vilson, Maili, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
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Effects of integration of Armenia to the Eurasian Economic Union on export volumes and structure
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Tatevik, Stepanyan; Vahter, Priit, juhendaja; Masso, Jaan, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Majandusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond
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Endless conflict or ended conflict. Prospects for permanent peace after second Karabakh war
(Tartu Ülikool, 2022) Maharramov, Ismayil; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The Nagorno Karabakh enclave has been a point of conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan for decades. With the main parties being two conflicting sovereign states and the "de facto state" of Nagorno Karabakh, the conflict has grown into one of the world's most persistent and complex confrontations and has entered a new phase of reality following the second war. For this reason, it is critical to examine peace prospects and the likelihood of finding a solution for the state of NK. This thesis examines peace possibilities following the second Karabakh war and the practicality of three conflict management tools: power-sharing, division, and territorial autonomy, using a rationalist perspective as the main theory. The principal objective of this thesis has been to study the research findings and determine if they met my expectations and how well they fit into the framework I constructed in the beginning. This paper concisely addressed the core research question, ensuring that the reader comprehends the central point and contribution of my study. The preliminary results of my research indicate that the unwillingness of the Azerbaijani and Armenian sides to find a compromise acceptable to all sides stemming from a lack of trust and the Azerbaijani government's consolidated and hegemonic authoritarian attitudes complicate the bargaining process. However, any possible agreement considering the interests of all parties in the framework of new realities will lead to peace in the region, strengthen regional integration, and restore economic ties between the two countries.
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EU influence on environmental politics in the post-Soviet space: a comparison of Armenia and Georgia
(Tartu Ülikool, 2021) Worsch, Laura; Braghiroli, Stefano, juhendaja; Hoppe, Sebastian, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Although environmental governance has long been one of the EU’s priorities in the Eastern Neighbourhood Programme, the amounts of EU funding that were invested in Armenia and Georgia seem to only weakly correlate with their environmental performances. This master thesis hence deals with the question, why EU mechanisms aiming at environmental politics in post-Soviet countries are in some cases more effective than in others. The focus lies on the processes of EU cooperation and communication on the theoretical basis of external governance, comparing the two cases Georgia and Armenia. The hypothesis states that it is more likely for the EU to have a sustainable impact on a country’s environmental politics when it has a strong hierarchical governance. The research consists of the qualitative assessment of expert interviews with environmental actors in Georgia and Armenia. Major findings include that the EU’s cooperation patterns differ towards different national actors, to the general detriment of environmental NGOs. This creates the request for more institutional and reliable support by the EU.
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EU’s regional integration strategies and its implication for civil society participation in Eastern partnership countries: comparing Georgia and Armenia
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Tlashadze, Mariam; Braghiroli, Stefano, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Institutional framework within the EaP introduced a tailor-made policy approach towards six Eastern Partnership countries. Meanwhile, another regional integration project, the Eurasian Economic Union, was created by Russia which challenged the EU’s position in the region. This thesis tries to identify how different paths of regional integration affect the direction and the intensity of the process of Europeanization of civil society in Georgia and Armenia. The theoretical expectations are drawn from Neighborhood Europeanization through spreading ‘external governance’ by Lavenex and Schimmelfennig. According to them, the modes and effects of ‘external governance’ increases with three different factors: international legitimacy, the EU’s power, also alternative poles of governance and the domestic structure of the third countries. As civil society is the least studied field under the EaP, the thesis applied a semi-structured in-depth interview method to gather more data from experts in the field. Official agreements and documents produced by the EU, as well as in-depth interviews, are analyzed through qualitative content analysis. Overall, the study finds that Georgia’s regional strategy choice resulted in higher intensity and degree of the Europeanization of civil society in comparison with Armenia. However, it also identified that the selective will of domestic authorities largely influences civil society’s participation in the reform process and in monitoring implementation. In addition to this, the thesis demonstrates that the conditionality offered from the EU is effective until it meets the certain expectations of the partnership countries. The study confirms the expectations of the theory.
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Geopolitical policy dilemma for Eastern Partnership countries: democracy and security
(Tartu Ülikool, 2022) Hajiyev, Elvin; Braghiroli, Stefano, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The Eastern Partnership (EaP) was established in 2009 to formalize the EU's interactions with Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Ukraine, and Moldova. The EU's goal was to strengthen cooperation, play a role to these states' economic, political, and social development, and enhance stability in the region. However, the Kremlin was concerned regarding EU initiatives to establish its own influence in the region in the CIS space: to deprive Russia of the status of the prioritized partner of some of the six aforementioned countries through the EaP and to create an alternative to Russia's integrationist strategies in the CIS. The research study seeks to highlight geopolitical policy dilemma for Eastern Partnership Countries and underline policy tools employed by the regional actors over 6 program countries by attempting to identify an answer to the question that why the promotion of democracy which is an important element of EU’s value-driven foreign policy triggers conflict of interest with Russia which leads to the security challenges for these 6 countries. Furthermore, it identifies the main motivations for the EU-Russia involvement in the region and clarifies different approaches to policymaking. The qualitative research method of data analysis, particularly document analysis is used in this research study to clarify where Russia's and the EU's objectives intersect. On the other hand, the research by analyzing the EaP countries individually examines the domestic implications from the perspectives of democratization and security challenges in which the regional actors directly or indirectly are playing important roles. The thesis is based on neoliberal theory reflecting on the research question. Particularly offensive and defensive realism explains the appropriate reaction to the security dilemma of the EaP countries. Furthermore, one of the key emphasis is placed on the issue of the security dilemma, how it demonstrates on the challenges in the EaP countries, and how it characterizes the geopolitical situation for the EaP. As a result, the research argues on the geopolitical policy dilemma of the EaP countries inferred from the conflict of interest between Russia and the EU.
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How do you tailor diplomatic training? Sizing up peer institutions and their training practices for the Diplomatic School of Armenia
(2016) Berg, Eiki
The Diplomatic School of Armenia (est. in 2009) explored how its peer institutions were organized, how they tailored their training programmes and how any existing structures and practices could be suited for Armenia. This paper reviews part of a comparative study which was carried out in 2013–2014. We include a sample of 14 institutes and training centres, ranging from countries which had diplomatic training fully integrated into the ministerial structures to those where the institute had become an entirely separate entity; including states where training focused strictly on skills development, as well as those cases where the focus had turned to offering post-graduate studies. It appears that all peer institutions have followed unprecedented development paths, becoming today’s diplomatic training centres, schools and academies. This made the tailoring exercise for Armenia even more challenging.
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Institutional barriers to investment climate of Armenia and Russia's role in it
(Tartu Ülikool, 2014) Hovakimyan, Gor G.; Belyi, Andrei, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
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Kudu, Elsa. Isikuarhiiv
(Tartu, 2005) Tartu Ülikooli Raamatukogu; Kudu, Elsa, arhiivimoodustaja
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Legal and political nature of Eurasian integration
(Tartu Ülikool, 2021) Simonyan, Artur; Mälksoo, Lauri, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The Eurasian Economic Union was formed in 2015. After the establishment of the new regional organisations, it triggered scientific engagements both from political and economic circles. Although some legal scholars, both in Russia and the Western world, researched some aspects of the EAEU from the institutional and substantive side, there is still a lack of understanding of the EAEU as a separate legal order. This thesis attempts to fill this gap by studying the EAEU through its own conceptual frameworks of authoritarian supranationalism. Illustrating both the history and legal structure of the Eurasian integration, the thesis highlights the different nature of the concepts that have shaped the evolution of the EAEU. The thesis combines history, politics, and law to demonstrate the sui generis essence of the EAEU legal order. For this purpose, particular attention is given to supranational law-making, adjudication, and direct applicability of the EAEU norms. Methodologically, it opted for interdisciplinary research to appraise the EAEU as comprehensively as possible. However, the main argumentation remained legal based on doctrinal-legal research. The thesis concludes that the Eurasian Union has a relatively distinct theoretical background compared to other regional organisations. Thus, instead of illustrating the EAEU institutions' dysfunctionalities compared to EU institutional law, the thesis answers why the institutions of the EAEU have been shaped differently. The thesis's primary claim is that the EAEU is a new sui generis case for comparative international law predominantly based on Russian approaches to international law. Therefore, it is another self-contained legal order and has the capability to consolidate post-soviet Eurasian states around Russia and its illiberal understanding of international law.
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Mapping the challenges of young entrepreneurs in Armenia
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Gasparyan, Ruben; Eerma, Diana, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Majandusteaduskond
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Neoclassical realism: foreign policymaking in the South Caucasus
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Gill, Jack; Gvalia, Giorgi, juhendaja; Aliyev, Huseyn, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The states of the South Caucasus (Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan) each have remarkably different interests and orientations when it comes to their foreign policy. One would think that 3 small Post-Soviet states occupying the same geographical region, with common histories of domination by neighbouring powers, would have operate in similar ways towards their larger neighbours and the rest of the world. In point of fact, the opposite is true – each state has its own unique orientation, which can be seen clearest in the way each state conducts its own foreign policy. There is, of course, a multitude of reasons explaining this divergence in foreign policy. Using a neoclassical realist theoretical basis, this study aims to examine foreign policy by identifying both system- and unit-level variables that have influenced foreign policy in the countries of the South Caucasus since gaining their independence while testing the applicability of a theory for small state foreign policy analysis. Drawing upon information gathered from primary interviews with foreign policy experts in Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan, the study shows that unit-level intervening variables do have some influence on foreign policy making at various times and under various conditions. As such, the study demonstrates the utility of neoclassical realism in small state foreign policy analysis.
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Promoting gender equality in the neighbourhood: the impact of domestic constraints on European Union induced domestic change in Armenia and Georgia
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Pino, Ode Liis; Linsenmaier, Thomas, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The Master’s thesis examines the European Union’s promotion of gender equality through its neighbourhood policy. More specifically, it focuses on the Eastern dimension of the neighbourhood, the Eastern Partnership, and explores neighbourhood Europeanisation in the context of gender equality reforms. Previous research on Europeanisation has signalled that concerning gender equality, domestic factors are the most influential in regard to European Union influenced domestic change. Therefore, the thesis aims to investigate this observation by determining the impact of domestic constraints on the ability of European Union conditionality to induce domestic change in the context of gender equality reforms. To investigate this, the thesis compares the cases of Armenia and Georgia while triangulating data primarily from official documents, backed by interview data and data from secondary sources. Comparing levels of European Union conditionality, domestic constraints, and domestic change in the context of European Union promoted gender equality reforms in both Armenia and Georgia, the study finds that domestic veto-players such as the church and conservative groups, misperceptions on gender, and gender stereotypes are the domestic constraints that affect domestic change in the context of European Union promoted gender equality reforms. Studying these domestic constraints, the thesis makes the observation that domestic constraints hinder domestic change in the context of European Union promoted gender equality reforms; however, the constraints are only able to lower the level of domestic change but not completely stop it. As a result, the research finds that European Union conditionality would be more effective in inducing domestic change in the context of European Union promoted gender equality reforms if there were fewer or no domestic constraints as the domestic constraints decrease the level of domestic change by delaying the adoption of gender equality reforms.
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Righting the wrong? Illustrating and understanding post-authoritarian transitional justice in Georgia and Armenia
(Tartu Ülikool, 2021) Pfeilschifter, Veronika; Pettai, Vello, juhendaja; Meladze, Giorgi, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The thesis explores why post-authoritarian transitional justice (TJ) is implemented and why not and which factors influence governments’ decisions on initiating TJ after transitions. It examines post-2012 Georgia and post-2018 Armenia as small-n case studies and compares the extent of TJ implementation based on a combination of Vello and Eva-Clarita Pettai’s transitional justice matrix and Dustin Sharp’s economic violence approach. This framework enables the illustration of different patterns of TJ implementation in four dimensions – legal-judicial, political-administrative, socio-economic and symbolic-representative – which combine 16 indicators to form the explanandum (dependent variable). Based on the author’s theoretical three-factor model of TJ implementation, the thesis presents evidence that the phenomenon can be understood as the result of governmental responsiveness to civil society activism, the TJ pressure of external elites and the ideological and structural prevalence of an authoritarian legacy (independent variables). Within the time periods under analysis (2012 to 2015 in Georgia and 2018 to 2020 in Armenia), it was found that the Georgian government was comparatively less active in initiating TJ measures than the Armenian government, particularly with regard to the symbolic-representative and socio-economic dimensions. The thesis frames Georgia’s TJ patterns as a consequence of the continuation of an authoritarian legacy, a lack of external TJ pressure and conflicting relationships with civil society. By comparison, Armenia’s broader level of TJ implementation can be understood as a result of resistance to an authoritarian legacy, an initially higher level of external TJ leverage and the government’s cooperation with civil society.
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Russia’s role in the South Caucasus – Possible implications of Armenia’s accession to the Eurasian Economic Union for regional security
(Tartu Ülikooli Euroopa kolledž, 2015) Forst, Christopher; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja
Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) assumes that it is possible to identify certain regional “clusters” regarding common security threats. Essential elements of a Regional Security Complex (RSC) are an anarchic structure, boundary, social construction (patterns of amity and enmity) and polarity (the distribution of power). RSCs are durable, but not permanent features in the international system. This thesis focuses on Russia’s role in the post-Soviet RSC. Russia is the central regional power, but at the same time it also holds the status of a great power, which makes it special. It is argued that the South Caucasus can be seen as a subcomplex of this RSC. The Russian influence on the security dynamics in this region is analyzed against the background of the recent developments in Armenian-Russian relations, which serve as a case-study. The thesis aims to assess the impact of change caused by Russia’s interference in the South Caucasian subcomplex. Although Russia and the South Caucasus are part of the same RSC, the analysis shows that Russia’s role in the Armenian case follows the same logic as great power penetration (GPP). Thus, the consequences of its involvement could be similar as well and include changes in patterns of amity and enmity or in the distribution of power. They could also lead to changes in the boundary, which means the subcomplex could “break apart”. Eventually, the study comes to the result that by looking at the Russian-Armenian relationship, it is possible to argue that the distribution of power in the region has already shifted to some extent. Patterns of amity and enmity still remain a uniting element, but they could also be affected by future developments. If geopolitical tensions continue, the boundary could be changed as well, but Armenia’s mere decision for the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) is not a sufficient indicator for this. Russia’s role in the post-Soviet RSC can be characterized as very dominant; the RSC is clearly centred on Russia. However, subcomplexes with their own regional security dynamics continue to exist, albeit the post-Soviet RSC is, indeed, possibly (again) in danger of a Russian “takeover”.
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Russia’s soft power: the case of Moldova and Armenia
(Tartu Ülikooli Euroopa kolledž, 2013) Liik, Kristina; Nielsen, Kristian Lau, juhendaja; Säre, Margit, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Euroopa kolledž
The concept of soft power has become an increasingly popular topic of debate since the early 1990s. A countries’ attractiveness can bring about wanted results without the use of hard power, consequently being an important attribute to a countries ability to influence the target. Equally important however, is the targets perception and the context of the relationship, making it hard to “touch” the intangible soft power and to measure it. Current thesis examined Russia’s soft power in the case of Moldova and Armenia with an aim to show how, how do they vary and what might be the reasons. The results revealed that while Russia has significant leverage in terms of culture and values, the use and perception of policy is different and brings about different results. While Russia uses hard policy in order to influence Moldova thus undermining its soft power, in Armenia, Russian military presence empowers Armenia and contributes to the perception of Russia as the security guarantor. The thesis confirmed the importance of image and perception and the distinction of how soft power is used: when soft power was used and perceived as controlled, soft power over someone type of way, it had a more undermining effect than when soft power was used to contribute to the empowerment of someone.
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The image of the Nagorno-Karabakh war: a discourse analysis
(Tartu Ülikool, 2021) Wong, Tsz Hin; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The objective of this paper is to understand the image of the Nagorno-Karabakh war in 2020 from a constructivist perspective. It aims to provide insights on how ‘war’ can be a subject constructed by norms and meanings. More specifically, we pay attention on the role of the Internet and social media platforms in constructing the war image. This research conducts a discourse analysis within Laclau and Mouffe’s theoretical framework of discourse. By deconstructing the storylines from government officials, think tanks and social communities through official websites, Twitter and Facebook, we are able to form the narratives of both sides which present the overall image of this war. The result illustrates that the narratives of both sides are contradicting with each other based on their different beliefs, values and the otherness they applied in their storylines.