Sirvi Märksõna "Hiina" järgi

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A quantitative pilot study on measuring task orientation, relationship orientation, and workplace incivility of chinese working adults in light of type of enterprises, position, age, working experience, gender, and educational level
(Tartu Ülikool, 2021) Xiong, Jie; Tran, Nguyen Hoàng Quân, juhendaja; Jaakson, Krista, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Majandusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond
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Adopting microblogging solutions for interaction with government: survey results from Hunan province, China
(2022) Homburg, V.; Bekkers, V.; Moody, R.; Yang, Q.
Authorities in the People’s Republic of China communicate with citizens using an estimated six hundred thousand Sina Weibo microblogs. This study reports on a study of Chinese citizens’ adoption of microblogs to interact with government. Adoption results from trust and peer pressure in smaller-network ties (densely knit, pervasive social networks surrounding individual citizens). Larger-network ties (trust in institutions-at-large, such as the Chinese Communist Party, executive organizations, the judicial system, media, et cetera) are not associated with adoption of microblogging. Furthermore, higher levels of anxiety are correlated with lower levels of use intentions, and this finding underlines the impact of the Chinese authority’s surveillance and control activities on the lives of individual Chinese citizens. Based in these findings, we outline a theory of why citizens use microblogs to interact with government and suggest avenues for further research into microblogs, state-citizens communication patterns and technology adoption.
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Alliance durability and intra-alliance security dilemma: a case study of the U.S.-Japan alliance in the light of rising China
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Pachomcik, Oksana; McNamara, Eoin Micheál, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
In recent years, the East-Asian security order has been witnessing a number of disturbances stemming from increased assertiveness of regional security actors, such as North Korea and, to a lesser extent, China. More specifically, the escalation of tensions between China and Japan over the disputed Senkaku/Diaoyu islands has called into question the very viability of the U.S. “hub and spoke” alliance system in the region, with the 60 year old U.S.-Japan alliance at its core. As a relic of bipolar Cold War great power competition, today the alliance faces increasingly complex and uncertain security environment, which effectively challenges the very foundations of the widely celebrated trustworthiness and durability of the security ties between the two nations. Against this background, the thesis conducts a thorough examination of a salient episode, which has occurred and subsequently disturbed the established modes of operation within the U.S.-Japan alliance. In particular, the overarching aim of the study is: a) to uncover and assess the effect exerted by the intensification of an external threat (China) on the severity of intra-alliance security dilemma, with an eroding balance in entrapment-abandonment fears among the allies; b) how this phenomenon have manifested itself throughout the course of the Senkaku contingency; and c) what the identified anxiety-driven processes hold for the enduring quality of the U.S.-Japanese security cooperation. Grounded in theoretical expectations largely derived from the realist school of thought, the paper concludes that, chiefly consistent with realist thinking, the Senkaku crisis and the respective behaviour of allies does point to: 1) the upsurge of intra-alliance security dilemma; 2) the importance of fluctuations in triangular Sino-American-Japanese relationship for the magnitude of abandonment anxiety experienced by the weakest pole in the triangle (Japan); 3) the mitigating role of institutionalization on alliance ties plagued by twin abandonment-entrapment anxieties. Yet, the paper also discovers, contrary to Morrow’s (1991) expectations, the preservation of asymmetrical nature of the alliance, as reflected in high degrees of weaker ally’s direct dependence, in all likelihood, would be detrimental to alliance durability, due to the importance attached to acquired reputations for reliability in the minds of state leaders. Hence, it becomes evident that phenomena such as sustained alliance durability and intensity of intra-alliance security dilemma cannot be fully captured by one all-encompassing realist approach; instead, any future inquiries into the topic of alliance durability would significantly benefit from a harmonious merging of insights from different schools of thought.
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Ameerika Ühendriigid ja 1962. aasta Hiina-India sõda: uurimus välispoliitilisest otsustusprotsessist tuginedes G. T. Allisoni mudelitele
(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Tõru, Andry-Sten; Made, Vahur, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Filosoofiateaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Ajaloo ja arheoloogia instituut
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Ameerika Ühendriikide ja Hiina Rahvavabariigi vastastikuste kaubandussidemete mõju poliitilisele koostööle
(Tartu Ülikool, 2017) Alev, Rain; Toomla, Raul, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Käesolevas uurimuses analüüsib autor Ameerika Ühendriikide ja Hiina Rahvavabariigi vastastikuse kaubanduse mõju poliitilisele koostööle. Uurimus lähtub vastastikuse sõltuvuse teooriast ning jaguneb nelja peatükki. Uurimuse esimeses pooles annab autor ülevaate vastastikuse sõltuvuse teooriast ning teises pooles tutvustab kasutatavat meetodit ning analüüsib kaubandussidemete mõju Ameerika Ühendriikide ja Hiina Rahvavabariigi poliitilisele koostööle. Selgitamaks välja kaubandussidemete mõju poliitilisele koostööle, vaatleb autor kahe riigi kaubandussidemeid aastail 2001-2013 ning võrdleb neid ÜRO Peaassamblee hääletustulemustes kajastuva Lijpharti indeksiga, mis väljendab poliitilist koostööd. Kaubandusnäitajatest on vaatluse all nii kahepoolse kaubanduse maht USA dollarites kui ka kahepoolse kaubanduse osakaal mõlema riigi kaubandusest. Analüüsi käigus selgus, et kahepoolse kaubanduse osakaalu mõlema riigi kaubandusest ning Lijpharti indeksi vahel esineb mõningal määral korrelatsiooni, mille põhjal võib järeldada, et kaubandussidemed omavad mõju poliitilisele koostööle. Märksõnad: USA, Hiina, kaubandus, rahvusvahelised suhted, Lijpharti indeks, ÜRO, Peaassamblee, vastastikune sõltuvus.
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An examination on organizational culture of chinese working adults in light of task and relationship orientations
(Tartu Ülikool, 2021) Huang, Yilan; Tran, Nguyen Hoàng Quân, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Majandusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond
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Between the United States and China: Philippines foreign policy in the case of South China Sea
(Tartu Ülikool, 2021) Kirp, Ingrid; Dharmaputra, Radityo, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
In 2016 there were several events that could change the Philippines' foreign policy in Southeast Asia. The tensions in the South China Sea were growing since several parties claimed the sea, and there were new presidents elected in the Philippines and the United States. This thesis focuses on the Philippines' strategy in this complicated geopolitical situation between the two great powers, the United States of America and China. The aim of this thesis was to identify how the Philippines respond to the changing geopolitical dynamics in the region after 2016 in the case of the South China Sea and which strategy they are using in their actions. The author explains the situation in the region, defines a small state, and then discusses the potential strategies a small state has in the case. The author set a hypothesis that the Philippines mainly use a hedging strategy to respond to the region's geopolitical dynamics. To test the hypothesis, the author conducted content analysis on the Philippines president Rodrigo Duterte's speeches, statements, interviews, and press conferences between 2016-2020. There were used official sources from the presidential web page. The purpose was to find statements related to the United States, China, or the South China Sea and identify the strategies. The author confirmed the hypothesis. Several strategies were used to maneuver in this complicated geopolitical situation, such as balancing, bandwagoning, hedging, and engaging. According to the theoretical part and Duterte's statements, the main strategy used between 2016-2020 was hedging.
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Call it neocolonialism: correlation between Chinese economic investment and crime, corruption, gas, oil and the level of democracy in Sub-Saharan Africa
(Tartu Ülikool, 2017) Pallo, Karl-Hendrik; Pappel, Urmas, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
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China’s influence on the quality of democracy in Georgia
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Dzamukashvili, Soso; Zubek, Marcin, juhendaja; Vilson, Maili, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Despite the Georgian Dream’s democratic agenda to change Saakashvili’s authoritarian regime and its success in achieving the closest-ever relations with the European Union, the democratic quality in Georgia witnessed a decrease during the six-year period between 2013 and 2019. Georgia thus failed to make a historical move and deliver a genuine democratic system. Simultaneously, China – an external actor promoting authoritarianism – emerged in the region and since 2013 substantially strengthened relations with Georgia. The current scholarship fails to systematically and theoretically explain the Chinese impact on the democratic quality in Georgia. Hence, the aim of the following case study is to fill the existing research gap and analyse how China has affected the quality of democracy in Georgia during the 2013-2019 period. The study is framed under the combined theoretical framework of the neo-Institutionalism and modified Linkage and Leverage analytical model. The dependent variable of the research is the degree of democracy and the independent variable – the degree of leverage. The study assesses the degrees of economic, political, and normative leverage to evaluate China’s impact on democracy in Georgia. Additionally, the analysis evaluates the European Union’s as well as Russian leverages to Georgia to avoid merely looking at correlation and instead to be able to demonstrate the causality between the democratic quality in Georgia and China’s leverage to Georgia. The research employs secondary statistical data collection and directed (deductive) qualitative content analysis to identify specific data and themes for the assessment of economic, political and normative leverages of China, the European Union and Russia to Georgia. The research results show that the Chinese leverage to Georgia has been low throughout the entire 2013-2019 period and has remained considerably lower than that of the European Union. The study reveals that China’s mechanisms of autocracy promotion in Georgia, i.e. socialisation and soft power, have not influenced the quality of democracy in Georgia during the period between the years 2013 and 2019. Thus, China has had no impact (or minimal) on the quality of democracy in Georgia.
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Chinese market entry based on Loov Organic
(Tartu Ülikool, 2021) Paasma, Mihkel; Vissak, Tiia, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Majandusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond
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Consumer adoption intention toward ride-sharing services: an empirical study of the Chinese market
(Tartu Ülikool, 2025) Liu, Pengyao; Poltimäe, Helen, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Majandusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond
This study examines the factors influencing Chinese consumers' intention to adopt ride-sharing services. Integrating prior research on technology acceptance and the sharing economy, the study has developed a model based on the Technology Acceptance Model (TAM) that incorporates perceived usefulness, perceived ease of use, economic benefits, convenience, trust, and risk perceptions. The research has tested the extended model using the structural equation modeling method based on data from 305 Chinese consumers. The results confirm that the TAM constructs of perceived usefulness and perceived ease of use have an obvious effect on consumers' adoption intention. Economic benefits become the strongest direct predictor of adoption intention, reflecting the practical orientation of Chinese consumers in the world's largest ride-sharing market. Although convenience has effects on perceived usefulness, it does not directly influence adoption intention, suggesting its impact has effects indirectly through enhancing service utility. Trust and risk perceptions show different levels of influence, with multiple effects across user segments. This study contributes to the theoretical understanding of technology-mediated service adoption in the Chinese sharing economy context and provides industrial guidance for ride-sharing platforms based on China's dynamic and competitive market. The findings provide creative insights for platform operators who are seeking continued growth strategies, for policymakers working to find the balance between innovation with consumer protection in this rapidly evolving industry.
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Contemporary belief narratives and practices in everyday life of the Yi community (China)
(Tartu Ülikool, 2023) Wang, Conghui; Solovyova, Alevtina, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Majandusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond
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Covid-19 rahvusvahelis-õiguslikud aspektid
(Tartu Ülikool, 2021) Orn, Brit Pilar; Mälksoo, Lauri, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Õigusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Avaliku õiguse osakond
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Cross-Strait relations of China and Taiwan: analyzing legitimacy of Kuomintang’s policies 2008 – 2013
(Tartu Ülikool, 2014) Prants, Kreet; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The following research will take a closer look at the cross-Strait relations of mainland China and Taiwan starting from the 2008 (presidential and legislative) elections in Taiwan, when the Nationalist Party Kuomintang and their presidential candidate Ma Ying-jeou came to power. During the course of the work the political actions and statements of the leaders of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the Republic of China (ROC) and the representatives of the relevant institutions such as the Taipei-based Straits Exchange Foundation (SEF) and the Beijing-based Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits (ARATS) will be reviewed while cross-referencing information about the concurrent public opinion surveys on Taiwan. This will help understand the public’s response to the KMT policies and therefore to deduct if the policies can be called legitimate.
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Decentralization and its Impacts on Disability Service Delivery in China
(Oxford University Press, 2024-07-16) He, Biao; Halvorsen, Rune; Ding, Peng; Zhang, Wanhong
Amidst the waves of neoliberalism diffused from the Global North, China and other countries in the Global South have adopted decentralization reforms since the 1980s as a strategic approach to drive economic development, improve administrative management, and enhance public service provision. However, empirical observations reveal a nuanced picture of the impacts on public service delivery. This chapter explores how the 1980s and 1990s decentralization reforms in China with its specific characteristics have influenced the disability service delivery by focusing on the provision of accessible government websites. Analyzing the stories of two Chinese municipalities, Wuhan and Shenzhen, this comparative case study identifies divergent outcomes in central-local disability policy transfer and subsequently disability service delivery across localities, arguably linked to the decentralization reforms in the last century. This chapter extends our understanding of the impacts of decentralization on both specific policy domins and societal progress in the Global South.
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Depictions of Europe and the European Union in Chinese media: similarities and differences in the self-media and state-owned media
(Tartu Ülikool, 2022) Liu, Binghua; Hõbepappel, Urmas, juhendaja; Kõuts-Klemm, Ragne, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Majandusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond
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Diaoyu/Senkaku saarte dispuut: Hiina ja Jaapani ametlike diskursuste analüüs
(Tartu Ülikool, 2014) Veliste, Mart; Pappel, Urmas, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Uurimustöö eesmärgiks oli tuvastada Hiina ja Jaapani ametlikus diskursuses peituvaid keelelisi konstruktsioone seoses Diaoyu/Senkaku saartetüliga ja analüüsida nende konstruktsioonide olulisust laiemas tähendusraamistikus. Laiemate teemadena käsitleti Hiina tõusu temaatikat ja saaretüliga seonduvaid potentsiaalseid arenguid. Hiina ametlik diskursus näeb Diaoyu/Senkaku saartetüli kahetiselt. Esiteks nähakse Diaoyu saari ajaloolistele faktidele toetudes Hiina territooriumi omase osana. Teiseks nähakse saarte jätkuvat kuulumist Jaapanile Teise maailmasõja ebaõiglase ja alandava tulemusena. Jaapani seisukohalt ei eksisteeri aga saartetüli, sest rahvusvahelise õiguse kohaselt on saarte jätkuv kuulumine Jaapanile õigustatud. Seega pöörab Jaapan Hiina ajaloolised seisukohad pahupidi, keskendudes hoopis saarte tegelikule kontrollimisele. Täiendavalt paneb Jaapan oma seisukoha seletamisel suurt rõhku sellele, et saarte kuulumist ei vaidlustanud Hiina/Taiwan enne kui avastati sealsed potentsiaalsed naftavarud. Uurimustöö alguses ei püstitanud hüpoteese. Esmalt oli eesmärk viia läbi diskursuseanalüüs ametlikus retoorikas, et tuvastada seal esinevaid konstruktsioone. Diskursusanalüüsi tulemusena, mis toetus poststrukturalistlikule lähenemisele identiteedi ja välispoliitika seosest, tuvastati Hiina puhul järgnevad konstruktsioonid: (1) saared on Hiina omane territoorium, (2) saared kuuluvad õiguslikult Hiinale, (3) saarte kuulumine Hiinale on tähtis Teise maailmasõja tulemuse kontekstis, (4) saared on olulised turvalisuse tagamiseks ja (5) saartetüli ühendab kõiki Hiinlasi. Jaapani puhul avastati konstruktsioonid: (1) saared on Jaapani omane territoorium rahvusvahelise õiguse kontekstis, (2) saartetüli põhjuseks on naftavarude avastamine ja (3) rahu, rahvusvaheline julgeolek ja koostöö. Lisaks tuvastati mõlema riigi diskursuses enda ja teise keelelist konstrueerimist. Uurimustöö viimases osas viidi tuvastatud konstruktsioonid laiemasse analüüsi. Selle analüüsi peamiseks leiuks oli tõdemus, et nii Jaapan kui ka Hiina konstrueerivad saartetüli rahvusvahelise õiguse raamistikus, kuid viimane paneb sama oluliselt rõhku ka ajaloolisele õiglusele. Asjaolu, et Hiina konstrueerib territoriaalvaidlust rahvusvahelise õiguse raamistikus näitab, et ametlikus retoorikas ei ole Hiina veel vähemalt praegu vaidlustamas eksisteeriva maailmakorra normistikku. Lisaks annab see lootust, et saartetülile on võimalik leida lahendust ka eksisteeriva õigusruumi siseselt. 49 Teisalt aga annab piiritüli konstrueerimine ajaloolise õigluse aspektist Hiina valitsusele võimaluse õigustada tulevikus jõulisemaid samme. Seega leidub Hiina diskursuses tähelepanuväärne mänguruum kahe konstruktsiooni vahel. Kuna valge paber annab meile aimu riigi välispoliitikast Diaoyu/Senkaku saarte suhtes, mis on mõjutatud identiteedist ja samaaegselt mõjutab seda identiteeti, võivad tulevased Hiina sammud tugineda nii rahvusvahelise õiguse raamistikule kui ka ajaloolisele õiglustundele. Kommunistlikul parteil on sisuliselt võimalik rakendada mõlemat oma eesmärkide kõige efektiivsemaks elluviimiseks. Täiendavalt tuvastas analüüs, et mõlemad riigid konstrueerivad dispuuti ka julgeoleku aspektidest tulenevalt, mis tähendab, et mõlemat osapoolt rahuldava lahenduse leidmine lähitulevikus võib osutuda keeruliseks. Kuna antud uurimustöö keskendus vaid kolmele esmaallikale, oleks edaspidi vajalik analüüsida suuremal hulgal ametlikke allikaid, et tuvastada selgemini ja tõsikindlamalt, millised keelelised konstruktsioonid on saartetüli diskursuses olulisemad. Teisalt oleks huvitav vaadelda ka Hiina ja Jaapani siseriiklikku Diaoyu/Senkaku saartetüliga seonduvat debatti, et mõista ametliku diskursuse taga peituvaid motiive. Samuti võiks rakendada diskursuseanalüüsi meetodit ka teiste Hiina ja Jaapaniga seotud piiritülide puhul, et avastada seni vähe tuvastatud tahke, mis omakorda võimaldaks võrrelda ühe riigi ametlikke diskursuseid erinevate piiritülide puhul.
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Energy security and Chinese influence in Kazakhstan
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Graziani, Cosimo; Park, JeongWon Bourdais, juhendaja; Ibadildin, Nygmet, juhendaja; Kaczmarski, Marcin, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Energy security has been for decades one of the most important issues for the world economy. Since the 1970s, the supply of energy has meant a sure basis for the economic development of a country, it does not matter whether the country was an exporter or an importer. This problem is paramount for those countries that must sustain a huge economy like China, but it is likewise important for those countries that based their export sector -and their economies- on an energy resource. Oil is the energy resources of this dissertation -and to be more precise, crude oil- that represents the first good exported by Kazakhstan, the second country analyzed in this work. What I analyze are the relations in the oil sector between these two countries in the period 2014-2018. This period is crucial for the history of China because represents the first five years of the Belt and Road Initiative and the moment during the Kazakh economy was tested by the fall of the oil prices and the action of the Chinese oil firm in its own oil assets. My research question is: in a situation of economic asymmetry between two countries trading energy resource -one with a strong developed economy and one with a weak national economy based on the export of natural resource- will the importer country with the stronger economy able to increase its power over the exporter country? The answer to this question is negative, because despite the economic asymmetry between two countries, if the exporting country bases its economy on the natural resource traded, an importing country will meet resistance from the exporting country and will not be able to increase its power over it. To verify this hypothesis, I will apply the Asymmetry Theory theorized by Brantley Womack. This theory has been used to analyze the relations between China and Vietnam, and this application to the relations between China and Kazakhstan represents a novelty. To each of the key concepts -energy security, power, and multi-vector policy- is dedicated a deep analysis.
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Etnilise grupi kujunemine rahvuslikuks liikumiseks - Hongkongi näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2021) Litvjakov, Erko; Talving, Liisa, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Antud töö eesmärgiks on uurida kahte aspekti. Esiteks, milline on Hongkongi tulevikuväljavaade tuginedes etnopoliitiliste režiimide tüpoloogiale. Täpsemalt võetakse kasutusele John McGarry ja Brendan O’Leary etnopoliitiliste režiimide tüpoloogia, et uurida erinevaid etniliste ja rahvuslike konfliktide reguleerimismeetodeid. Teiseks aspektiks on uurida, kas Hongkongi võib andmetele tuginedes pidada Hiina Rahvavabariigist eraldiseisvaks etniliseks rühmaks. Selleks analüüsitakse seitset lähenemist etniliste rühmade ja rahvuste defineerimiseks. Samuti uuritakse selleks Suurbritannia koloniaalvõimust tingitud Hongkongi ajaloolist tausta ning üritatakse selgeks teha, kas sellega on kaasnenud muutuseid Hongkongi sotsio-kultuurilises, majanduslikus ja poliitilises arengus võrreldes Mandri-Hiinaga. Uurimistöö tulemusena selgub, et Hongkongi potentsiaalne tuleviku väljavaade tuginedes etnopoliitliste režiimide tüpoloogiale on kantoniseerimine ning Hongkongi võib analüüsile tuginedes pidada eraldiseisvaks etniliseks rühmaks.
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EU member states and major external powers: is China's engagement in Central and Eastern Europe politically dividing the EU?
(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Ma, Xiaohan; Ehin, Piret, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
China is increasing its engagement with the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. There are growing concerns in Europe that China’s economic engagement in this region may translate into political influence, which may politically divide the European Union and hamper the Union’s ability to speak to China with one voice. Against this backdrop, this thesis seeks answers to the question of what factors account for variation in adherence to the EU’s common policy on China across EU member states. The potential explanatory factors that the thesis focuses on include the degree of member states’ economic involvement with China and the degree of their normative compliance with EU rules and norms. The thesis employs a small-N research design with Estonia, Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic as cases. By analyzing variation across the observed countries, the thesis concludes that both factors affect member states’ adherence to the EU’s common policy on China: there is an inverse correlation between a member state’ economic involvement with China and its adherence to the EU’s common policy on China, while a positive correlation exists between a member state’s normative compliance with the EU and its adherence to the EU’s common policy on China. Driven by different motives – economic gains or normative values, the member states respond to China’s engagement differently, which results in internal vertical incoherence in the EU and growing difficulties for the EU to formulate a unified policy approach to China and to adhere to it. Based on these empirical findings, this thesis gives suggestions to the EU in response to China’s increasing engagement that the EU should primarily focus on fixing the problem of internal non-compliance with EU norms and rules, so that the EU can deal with China as a truly unified Community in both economic and political realms.