Sirvi Märksõna "autonoomsed piirkonnad" järgi

Nüüd näidatakse 1 - 9 9

listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs ,
Autonoomsed piirkonnad täisdemokraatliku ja hübriidrežiimi tingimustes: Hispaania Kuningriigis asuva Kataloonia ja Venemaa Föderatsioonis asuva Tatarstani näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Halilov, Indrek; Tüür, Karmo, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
In the 21st century, the definite quantity of autonomous regions is contested due to political ambiguity, but the general estimation is that there are under fifty. Autonomous regions with a limited range of legislative and executive power can be defined by several parameters. Primarily historical development, geographical position, ethnic homogeneity, subsidiarity principle and the future outlook of independence. Regarding autonomous regions, there are ones located, both in democratic countries (e.g. United Kingdom, Denmark, Finland), and in non-democratic countries (e.g. Iraq, China). The aim on this undergraduate thesis, is to analyse and to compare autonomous regions, located inside the territory of democratic vis-a-vis non-democratic countries. The thesis, will compare two variables; The Republic of Tatarstan, the federal subject of the Russian Federation and the autonomous entity of Catalan in the Kingdom of Spain. The research, will analyse the differences of regional autonomy, regarding its geographical and political position, either in a democratic or a non-democratic region. Secondly, it will analyse the interests of the central Governments, regarding their strategy on the enlargement or further restrictions, for the autonomous entity. Thirdly, it will study how the autonomous regions have used the power given to them, and what are there perspectives for the future. The thesis paper, will use both qualitative and quantitative research methods to analyse and compare the independent variables which affect the two autonomous regions. The hypothesis is – The preconditions and “true” reasons for an autonomous region to rise from the cradle are quite similar, but regarding further development of the regions, then the autonomous entities in democracies are more likely to gain more power and stability, than the ones in non-democracies. In the research, in order to compare the two autonomous regions, there is a need to analyse the following independent variables: the historical process of regional development, geographical position, population variance, economical power, foreign policy goals, stability of the central power, and the extent of sovereignty given. The research is divided into two parts. The first part will analyse the theoretical definition of an autonomous region. In the second part, the two autonomous regions will be compared, regarding their historical development, their current political and economical situation as well as their future perspectives. Finally, the paper will make assumptions, regarding the possibility of these autonomous regions of becoming independent countries as well as the scope of threats which could occur in the case of devolution.
listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs ,
Autonoomsete piirkondade valimisuuringute empiiriline analüüs
(Tartu Ülikool, 2013) Otsmaa, Sten-Arne; Pettai, Vello, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs ,
Endless conflict or ended conflict. Prospects for permanent peace after second Karabakh war
(Tartu Ülikool, 2022) Maharramov, Ismayil; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The Nagorno Karabakh enclave has been a point of conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan for decades. With the main parties being two conflicting sovereign states and the "de facto state" of Nagorno Karabakh, the conflict has grown into one of the world's most persistent and complex confrontations and has entered a new phase of reality following the second war. For this reason, it is critical to examine peace prospects and the likelihood of finding a solution for the state of NK. This thesis examines peace possibilities following the second Karabakh war and the practicality of three conflict management tools: power-sharing, division, and territorial autonomy, using a rationalist perspective as the main theory. The principal objective of this thesis has been to study the research findings and determine if they met my expectations and how well they fit into the framework I constructed in the beginning. This paper concisely addressed the core research question, ensuring that the reader comprehends the central point and contribution of my study. The preliminary results of my research indicate that the unwillingness of the Azerbaijani and Armenian sides to find a compromise acceptable to all sides stemming from a lack of trust and the Azerbaijani government's consolidated and hegemonic authoritarian attitudes complicate the bargaining process. However, any possible agreement considering the interests of all parties in the framework of new realities will lead to peace in the region, strengthen regional integration, and restore economic ties between the two countries.
listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs ,
Hispaania ühtsuse säilitamine Kataloonia ja Baskimaa iseseisvuspüüdluste kontekstis
(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Vaas, Thor; Vilson, Maili, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs ,
Hongkongi rahvustunne vihmavarjuliikumise kontekstis
(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Maloverjan, Rahel; Hõbepappel, Urmas, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Antud töö eesmärgiks on uurida, kuidas käsitlevad Hongkongi rahva mõistet Hongkongis 2014. aastal puhkenud vihmavarjuliikumist juhtivad organisatsioonid. Liikumise näol oli tegemist kogu linna vallanud protestiaktsiooniga, mis sai alguse Hiina keskvalitsuse otsusest lubada kohaliku tegevjuhi valimistele vaid nende poolt heaks kiidetud kandidaadid. Analüüsi osas vaadeldakse kahteteist sõnavõttu, mis on avaldatud kolme organisatsiooni – Occupy Central with Love and Peace (OCLP)1, Hong Kong Federation of Students (HKFS)2 ja Scholarism – või nende esindaja poolt. Seejärel analüüsitakse neid läbi Rogers Brubakeri 1996. aastal avaldatud rahvusluse teooria, kus Brubaker eristab ühe rahvusluse liigina ka vähemusrahvuste rahvuslust. Vähemusrahvuste rahvusluse kolmeks põhielemendiks on (a) enese avalik defineerimine rahvana, (b) nõudmine, et riik teadvustaks nende rahvusvähemust ning (c) oma rahvuse kultuuriliste ja poliitiliste õiguste kaitsmine. Uurimistöös leitakse, et sõnavõttudes defineeritakse Hongkongi rahvast põhiliselt läbi nende poliitiliste õiguste. Hongkongi rahvale viitamine esines kõikides sõnavõttudes, mis tähendab, et tegemist oli üsna läbiva teemaga. Analüüsides sõnavõttudest leitut Brubakeri teooria abil ilmneb, et vähemal või suuremal määral on tekstides esindatud kõik Brubakeri mainitud vähemusrahvuse rahvusluse põhimõtted. Niisiis võib järeldada, et tema teooria raames oli Hongkongi vihmavarjuliikumise ajal tegemist vähemuste rahvusluse ilminguga.
listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs ,
Proportionality between violations of national minorities’ rights and the right to secession as a claim to self-determination
(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Akopdzhanyan, Leonid; Värk, René, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Õigusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool
listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs ,
Questioning territorial autonomy: failed attempts to institute the Association/Community of Serb Municipalities in Kosovo
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Pajuste, Anna; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis analyses the official statements of Kosovo, Serbia and the EU and examines how the issue of territorial autonomy for minorities, more precisely the Association/Community of Serb Municipalities has been approached during the most active episodes of debate over 10 years. The focus is on the two research questions: Why has the Association of Serb majority municipalities not been formally established in Kosovo? and How do Serbia, Kosovo and the EU articulate their positions around the Association? The thesis is designed as a process-tracing single case study focusing on three different episodes in the Brussels Dialogue during which the debate of the ASM has been especially prevalent: The Brussels Agreement (01.06.2012-01.06.2013), the Second Agreement (01.01.2015-31.12.2015) and the Ohrid Agreement (01.11.2022-01.11.2023). Qualitative Content Analysis is applied to analyse the official statements of all three actors across the episodes. Over the more than 10 years of negotiations in the Brussels Dialogue, Kosovo and Serbia expressed considerable incompatibilities in their arguments related to the ASM, which had to do with the extent of powers it should hold, the legal obligation to implement it, its compatibility with Kosovo’s constitution and the effect it would have on the security situation in Kosovo. Furthermore, the thesis shows how the EU went from being a normative mediator to taking a tougher stance on the issue, gathering resentment from Serbia and Kosovo.
listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs ,
Russian world, Pan-Turkism and EU normative power in Gagauz Yeri: competing geopolitical ideologies and regional identity at the sub-state level
(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Huseynov, Rusif; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The current state of Gagauzia, a territorial autonomy within Moldova since the 1990s, reflects its troubled historical past and geographical location. Located at the crossroads of geopolitical interests, Gagauzia even today is subject to geopolitical influence of various power sources, as the interests of Turkey, Russia and the European Union converge in the region. This competition can be best reflected as a struggle of geopolitical ideologies emitted by Turkey (Pan-Turkism), Russia (Russian world) and the European Union (EU normative power), which are certainly interested in either shaping their international milieu or bringing the adjacent regions into their sphere of influence. The major aim of this research is to find out the post-2014 elitar narrative in Gagauzia toward each geopolitical ideology. The relevant Self and Other narrative of Gagauz political, cultural and intellectual figures shapes not only contemporary Gagauz identity, but also which region(s) they belong to, which geopolitical civilization(s) they feel ascribed to, which external actors are constructed as their closest allies and enemies and where they see their future.
listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs ,
The politics of belonging in Gagauzia: negotiating language usage, ethnic labels, and citizenship
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Holsapple, Christiana; Seljamaa, Elo-Hanna, juhendaja; Varga, Zsuzsanna, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut