Sirvi Märksõna "demokraatia" järgi

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A new generation in peacebuilding? A comparative study of the emergence of the hybrid peace
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Mõttus, Heidi; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Liberal peacebuilding continues to be the most dominant form of peacebuilding today. Yet, liberal peace practices have not always resulted in a sustainable peace and critical approaches to the liberal peace have emerged, which concentrate on how the liberal peace asserts itself in local contexts and how the emerging liberal-local interactions are able to transform the peace. One such concept is that of the hybrid peace, which combines liberal and emancipatory peacebuilding practices. While the concept of the hybrid peace is generally well understood, its theoretical framework is underdeveloped and although some scholars have suggested that the hybrid peace could be understood as a new generation in peacebuilding, conditions surrounding its emergence remain unclear. If the hybrid peace is to become a new generation in peacebuilding, greater clarity is needed for understanding whether it could be implemented from the outset in peacebuilding operations. This thesis seeks to enhance the current theoretical framework by suggesting a three-pillar model and a distinction between a more positive type of hybridity, the inclusive hybrid peace and a more negative exclusive hybrid peace. The three-pillar model is then used to comparatively analyse peace agreements and post-conflict peace processes in the case studies of Kosovo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Northern Ireland and Timor-Leste using indicators to measure the extent to which each pillar is represented in the documents. The findings suggest variance in the way in which the three pillars are represented in the case studies. The more adherence there is to the three pillars in the peace agreements as well as in implementation phases, the more likely inclusive hybrid peace becomes. Nevertheless, the findings also suggest that an inclusive hybrid peace is a difficult concept to implement, especially in violent ethnic conflicts that result in consociational power-sharing agreements, which tend to entrench ethnic divisions. A greater focus on bottom-up approaches in peacebuilding can foster reconciliation, especially at the grassroots level. However, at the level of implementation, the hybrid peace as a concept remains problematic.
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A new type of de‐democratisation: the influence of Covid‐19 pandemics on the democratic backsliding of Georgia
(Tartu Ülikool, 2023) Lepsveridze, Dachi; Orzechowska‐Wacławska, Joanna, juhendaja; Hardman, Helen, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis aims to study and analyse the dynamics of democratic backsliding in Georgia during the Covid‐19 pandemic in 2020 while focusing mainly on government activities and initiatives. Since 2012, when the Georgian Dream political party secured a sweeping victory in the Parliamentary Elections, Georgia had found herself on the track of democratic backsliding, which continued up to 2020, when the country was plunged into Covid‐19 management. Since the beginning of the Covid‐19 pandemic, the Georgian government has got access to excessive emergency power first by imposing the State of Emergency and then making some of the most controversial and anti‐constitutional amendments within the law, which included not only the amending the existing laws, but also introducing the regulations, decrees, and restrictions. To achieve this goal of the paper and answer the research question ‐ Has Covid‐19 accelerated the democratic backsliding process in Georgia in 2020, and how? – I will try to provide an empirical study analysing the pandemic‐related developments in Georgia in 2020. To reach the paper’s objectives, I will study and analyse the laws, regulations, decrees, and restrictions issued in connection with Covid‐19 management. First, I will provide the background context and the theoretical framework for the study. Then, the thesis will feature the methodological chapter, breaking down all the steps and methods I plan to employ. The final chapters will be dedicated to the empirical findings and conclusion.
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A strongman at home is a strongman abroad? Investigating operational codes of Aliaksandr Lukašenka and Donald Trump
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Azarkevich, Yahor; Kołodziej, Jacek, juhendaja; McNamara, Eoin Micheál, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
With the decline of democracy in the world and accompanying rise of political strongmen, the demand for studies which would uncover peculiarities of the illiberal ruling has increased. While more researches indeed started to investigate different types of regimes and autocratic leaders, the level of their sophistication yet remains low. This thesis aims to contribute— within the extent of available resources—to the emerging literature on strongman rule and considers the belief systems of two well-known strongmen: Aliaksandr Lukašenka and Donald Trump. This research adopts the operational code analysis and hence focuses on the leaders’ foreign policy decisions. It argues that while the incumbent presidents of Belarus and the United States might indeed be strongmen at home, they are not ones abroad. This study discovers that the considered leaders possess low strongmen tendencies when dealing with their major international counterparts—Russia and China, hypothetically for the same reason. Lukašenka aims to sustain friendly and cooperative relations with these two due to the dependence of his regime on the external financial assistance, while Trump is also interested in maintaining favourable economic ties between world’s major economies. Overall, however, Lukašenka is more consistent in his beliefs across time, counterparts and speech genres, supposedly as the authoritarian system he operates in allows to disregard any domestic constrains to his foreign policy. Trump, on the other hand, manifests higher beliefs fluctuation as probably aims to satisfy internal political demands without abandoning his genuine opinion. There is hope that the findings of this study will help developing strategies for the struggle against illiberalism which rapidly consolidates across the globe.
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Aid as an authoritarian gift: the associations between the Chinese aid and democracy
(Tartu Ülikool, 2025) Zhang, Yang; Mölder, Martin, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
As China’s global economic footprint deepens, growing attention is paid to how its aid and loan programs affect regime trajectories in recipient states. While existing scholarship often speculates that Chinese engagement supports authoritarian durability or undermines democratic institutions, it frequently relies on aggregated aid flows and overlooks variation across regime types and aid modalities. This study addresses that gap by analyzing data from globally harmonized sources, AidData, the China Africa Research Initiative, and Polity V, to assess the relationship between Chinese economic engagement and changes in democratic quality. The findings reveal that, in the African context, higher levels of Chinese aid are consistently associated with increased probabilities of regime autocratization despite volatility detected in the permutation. However, in the global sample, this association is less uniform; interaction models show that hybrid regimes face the greatest risk of autocratization, with even modest increases in aid predicting higher autocratization probabilities. Sectoral disaggregation further refines this pattern: aid directed toward the extractive industries, particularly mining, correlates strongly with autocratization trajectories, whereas aid in transportation sectors is linked to weak democratic improvement, presenting modeling volatility. In addition, the presence of Chinese contract labor exhibits a negative association with autocratization, suggesting a potential, albeit limited, association with democratic resilience. Jointly, these results emphasize that the political effects of Chinese aid are not uniform but instead vary systematically by sector and initial regime type, challenging approaches that treat Chinese aid as politically monolithic.
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Ajakirjanduslik faktiloome erinevates ühiskondlikes tingimustes
(2012-11-12) Treufeldt, Indrek
Väitekirjas on vaatluse all ajakirjanduslik faktiloome eri ajastute ajakirjanduslikes tekstides. See mõiste hõlmab ühelt poolt tegelikkuse esitamist. Kuid teisalt ka nende tekstide seotust avalikkusega, mida need kõnetavad, samuti ka mitmesuguseid institutsionaalse kontrolli mehhanisme. Analüüs lähtub hüpoteesist, et ajakirjanduslikku faktiloomet iseloomustavad universaalsed, mistahes ühiskondlikes oludes püsivad sotsiopragmaatilised dimensioonid ehk modaalsused. Väitekirja empiiriline osa hõlmab kolme erinevat ühiskonda: autoritaarset, totalitaarset ning demokraatlikku. Võrdluses saab selgitada faktiloome ajaloolisi ja universaalseid jooni. Töös võrreldakse lähemalt Eesti ajakirjanduse faktiloomet Soomega. Detailsemalt on vaatluse all Eesti ajakirjanduse tekstid ning Soome ringhäälingu eestikeelsed saated perioodist 1939–1940. Samuti uuritakse lähemalt Eesti Televisiooni esimesi eetritekste (sealhulgas soomekeelseid eetritekste) perioodist 1955–1958 ning ka nüüdisaegseid Euroopa Liitu käsitlevaid erikeelseid ajakirjandustekste. Sõjaeelsete ajakirjandustekstide analüüs näitab, kuidas Eesti 1939. aastal sattus maailmasõja puhkedes infosõtta ja ajakirjandus minetas võime adekvaatselt kajastada tegelikkust. Teisalt selgub, et Nõukogude Eestis sai televisioonist oluline avaliku kommunikatsiooni kanal, mida keskvõim täiel määral kontrollida ei suutnud. Kokkuvõtteks võib nentida, et ajakirjanduslik faktiloome teostub alati avatud süsteemis. Avatuse tagavad selle süsteemi eri elemendid. võim, avalikkus ja ajakirjandus. Eri ühiskondades varieeruvad üksnes ajakirjanduse institutsionaalsed kontrollimehhanismid, mitte aga tegelikkuse reflektsioon ja tõlgendamine.
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Alkibiadese poliitiline tegevus ja vaated - demokraat, oligarh või oportunist?
(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Jõeleht, Annabel; Kõiv, Mait, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Filosoofiateaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Ajaloo ja arheoloogia instituut
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Ameerika mentaliteedi vaimsetest ja spirituaalsetest lätetest
(Tartu Ülikool, 2006) Tulgiste, Tarmo; Tamul, Sirje, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Humanitaarteaduste ja kunstide valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Ajaloo ja arheoloogia instituut
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Andrus Ansipi ja Edgar Savisaare demokraatiadiskursused Eesti Päevalehes ja Postimehes aastatel 1998-2009
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Sepp, Jorma; Seppel, Külliki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Ajakirjanduse ja kommunikatsiooni instituut
Democracy discources of Andrus Ansip and Edgar Savisaar in newspapers Eesti Päevaleht and Postimees between 1998-2009. In this research the main focus is pointed on the discourse of Estonian politicians Andrus Ansip and Edgar Savisaar in Eesti Päevaleht and Postimees during the years of 1998 till 2009. The goal is to frame the changes of their political course in time. Combined research measures were used (quantitative text analysis and critical discourse analysis). Total of 80 articles (opinions, news and interviews) were analyzed. The theoretical basis of this paper is composed of the theory of liberal democracy peculiar to European Union. It was divided into two models: defensive and developing democracy. In addition it included the four influences of liberal democracy: elite, pluralism, neoprulalism and new right-sided influences. Theoretical part gives an overview of the theory of political discourse. For specific analysis a political context has been pointed out, the timeframe that selected politicians were active. In empirical part the articles were analyzed and they were compared to speeches by politicians during 1998 – 2009, to frame their political discourse and prove or disprove the hypothesis: the political discourse of politicians change with their power position. It can be noticed by Andrus Ansip and Edgar Savisaar discourse that it has changed with the change of power positions. Andrus Ansip discourse as major of Tartu emphasized equality and political elite of which the discourse framed as developing democracy influenced by the elite. By the change of power position and being now involved in Estonians politics the economical values and citizens freedom debate rise. For that his discourse framed as defensive and neopluralistic democracy. As becoming prime minister the economical debate deepened and to the framework a new-right-sided-influence added. The discourse of Edgar Savisaar is the opposite of Ansip. During the years his discourse has not changed from social equality debate what for his discourse stays in every power position as developing democracy model. But by the changes in positions different democratic influences can be found in his texts. Therefore his discourse is mainly framed only as developing democracy model, which is mainly influenced by socially topical political topics. The empirical analysis shoes that hypothesis raised is partly true. Andrus Ansip has changed his discourse as he moved from local politics to Estonians politics. It turned from developing democracy model to defensive democracy and from elite’s influence to neoprulalistic and new-right-sided influence. But Edgar Savisaar has not changed his discourse as it has stood in the frames of developing democracy on different power position. Although it has been influenced different strains of democracy on every position.
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Aristotelis Politeia Athēnaiōn
(Lipsiae : B. G. Teubner, 1895) Αριστοτέλης; Aristoteles
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Arutleva demokraatia arengust Eestis ’’Jääkeldri protsessi’’ näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2014) Sepp, Jorma; Lauristin, Marju, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Ühiskonnateaduste instituut
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Autoritaarrežiimi areng Eestis aastatel 1934–1940: põhiseaduse ja kaitseseisukorra roll
(2024-05-27) Kenkmann, Peeter; Pajur, Ago, juhendaja; Valge, Jaak, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Humanitaarteaduste ja kunstide valdkond
1934. aastal toimus Eestis riigipea Konstantin Pätsi juhtimisel riigipööre, mille käigus lükati edasi valimised, peatati kodanike põhisõiguste kehtimine ning likvideeriti Eesti Vabadussõjalaste Liit. Käesolev doktoritöö uurib, milliste seaduste alusel viidi riigipööre läbi ning funktsioneeris selle tulemusena loodud ebademokraatlik valitsemiskorraldus. Samuti uuritakse siin resideerinud välisriikide diplomaatide seisukohti alates 1934. aastast Eestis toimunud pöördeliste sündmuste kohta ja sedagi, kuidas kirjeldati 1930. aastate sündmusi paguluses. Kuigi vabadussõjalasi on süüdistatud selles, et nende koostatud 1933. aasta põhiseadus, millega loodi väga suure võimuga riigivanema ametikoht, võimaldas Pätsil teostada riigipöörde ja valitseda autoritaarselt, ei ole see korrektne. Nagu doktoritöös selgitatakse, oleks samasuguse pöörde saanud läbi viia ka 1920. aasta põhiseaduse alusel. Kuigi kaitseseisukord kehtestati vabadussõjalaste ohuga hirmutades, ei ole ajaloolased seni leidnud selle kohta tõendeid. Seega teostas Päts mitmeid seadusi rikkudes riigipöörde ja likvideeris demokraatia kartusest kaotada demokraatlike valimiste tagajärjel võimu. Eestis resideerinud välisriikide diplomaadid said sellest samamoodi aru. 1936.-1937. aastal võeti Pätsi initsiatiivil ette järjekordne põhiseaduse muutmine, mille käigus rikuti oluliselt kehtivaid seadusi. Uue põhiseaduse kehtima hakkamise järel 1. jaanuaril 1938 demokraatiat ei taastatud: kuni Nõukogude okupatsiooni alguseni kehtis kaitseseisukord, erakondade tegevus oli keelatud ning ajakirjandus vaigistatud. Kaitseseisukord tegi Nõukogude Liidu survel 1940. aasta juunis ametisse nimetatud Johannes Varese nukuvalitsusel kergemaks Eesti iseseisvuse likvideerimise. Paguluses valitses suhtumises kirjeldatud sündmustesse kaks vastandlikku seisukohta. Ajakirjanduses ja populaarteaduslikes töödes kiideti Pätsi tegevus heaks ning süüdistati teisiti arvajaid vabadusvõitluse huvide eiramises. Alates 1960. aastatest avaldatud teaduslike käsitluste seisukohad ühtivad suuresti käesoleva doktoritöö järeldustega.
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Building Global Societies on Collective Intelligence: Challenges and Opportunities
(Association for Computing Machinery (ACM), 2022-10-14) Suran, Shweta; Pattanaik, Vishwajeet; Kurvers, Ralf; Hallin, Carina Antonia; De Liddo, Anna; Krimmer, Robert; Draheim, Dirk
Digital disruptions caused by the use of technologies like social media arguably present a formidable challenge to democratic values and in turn to Collective Intelligence. Challenges such as misinformation, partisan bias, polarization, and rising mistrust in institutions (including mainstream media), present a new constant threat to collectives both online and offline—amplifying the risk of turning ‘wise’ crowds ‘mad’, and rendering their actions counterproductive. Considering the increasingly important role crowds play in solving today’s socio-political, technological, and economical issues, and in shaping our future, it is vital to protect crowd-oriented systems against such disruptions. In this commentary, we identify time-critical challenges and potential solutions from emerging work on diversity, transparency, collective dynamics, and machine behavior, that require urgent attention, if future CI systems are to sustain their indispensable role as global deliberation instruments.
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Call it neocolonialism: correlation between Chinese economic investment and crime, corruption, gas, oil and the level of democracy in Sub-Saharan Africa
(Tartu Ülikool, 2017) Pallo, Karl-Hendrik; Pappel, Urmas, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
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China’s influence on the quality of democracy in Georgia
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Dzamukashvili, Soso; Zubek, Marcin, juhendaja; Vilson, Maili, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Despite the Georgian Dream’s democratic agenda to change Saakashvili’s authoritarian regime and its success in achieving the closest-ever relations with the European Union, the democratic quality in Georgia witnessed a decrease during the six-year period between 2013 and 2019. Georgia thus failed to make a historical move and deliver a genuine democratic system. Simultaneously, China – an external actor promoting authoritarianism – emerged in the region and since 2013 substantially strengthened relations with Georgia. The current scholarship fails to systematically and theoretically explain the Chinese impact on the democratic quality in Georgia. Hence, the aim of the following case study is to fill the existing research gap and analyse how China has affected the quality of democracy in Georgia during the 2013-2019 period. The study is framed under the combined theoretical framework of the neo-Institutionalism and modified Linkage and Leverage analytical model. The dependent variable of the research is the degree of democracy and the independent variable – the degree of leverage. The study assesses the degrees of economic, political, and normative leverage to evaluate China’s impact on democracy in Georgia. Additionally, the analysis evaluates the European Union’s as well as Russian leverages to Georgia to avoid merely looking at correlation and instead to be able to demonstrate the causality between the democratic quality in Georgia and China’s leverage to Georgia. The research employs secondary statistical data collection and directed (deductive) qualitative content analysis to identify specific data and themes for the assessment of economic, political and normative leverages of China, the European Union and Russia to Georgia. The research results show that the Chinese leverage to Georgia has been low throughout the entire 2013-2019 period and has remained considerably lower than that of the European Union. The study reveals that China’s mechanisms of autocracy promotion in Georgia, i.e. socialisation and soft power, have not influenced the quality of democracy in Georgia during the period between the years 2013 and 2019. Thus, China has had no impact (or minimal) on the quality of democracy in Georgia.
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Corruption, populism, and polarization: unraveling the causes of democratic backsliding in 68 countries
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Usmanov, Asilbek; Mölder, Martin, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis examines the dynamics of democratic backsliding, focusing on the potential impacts of affective polarization, populism, and political corruption, with inflation as a control variable. Utilizing three primary datasets: the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) dataset, the V-Dem’s Party Dataset, and the World Bank’s Global Database of Inflation (GDI), the study conducts both univariate and multivariate regression analyses. The findings confirm that affective polarization significantly predicts changes in both electoral and deliberative democracy, supporting the hypothesis that increased polarization can lead to democratic backsliding. However, the relationships between populism and liberal democracy, and political corruption and egalitarian democracy, were not statistically significant at the conventional levels. Despite these limitations, this study contributes to the literature on democratic backsliding by highlighting the potential impact of political corruption, affective polarization, populism, and inflation on various forms of democracy. The findings underscore the complexity of democratic backsliding and the need for further research in this area. As democratic backsliding continues to be a pressing issue in many parts of the world, it is important to understand these dynamics. Future research could benefit from expanding the dataset to include more countries and a longer timeframe. This would increase the number of observations and potentially lead to more robust findings. Additionally, future studies could consider incorporating other variables that might influence democratic backsliding, such as institutional strength, and cultural factors.
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Democracy and trends in wealth inequality: a global empirical study
(Tartu Ülikool, 2022) Smith, Joshua J.; Mölder, Martin, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Effective democracy relies on the political equality of individuals, which is in turn influenced by wealth inequality levels. However, within-country wealth inequality has reached extreme levels in the world today and continues to rise. Conclusive information on whether democracies are effectively reducing or limiting wealth inequality as compared to non-democracies is currently lacking. Here I show that generally countries with high levels of democracy are not any more likely to reduce or limit wealth inequality than non-democratic states, using a rigorous methodology and data from 146 countries. Conversely, I also find that two specific aspects related to democracy, strong and independent elected regional government and widespread respect for civil liberties, do function to reduce or limit wealth inequality. My results demonstrate that democracy is in need of certain reforms to both increase political equality and limit wealth inequality. Besides providing empirical support for the practice of federalism as well as policies protecting civil liberties for the disadvantaged, this thesis also examines reasoning for why democracy may not be functioning to reduce or limit wealth inequality, and relevant policy recommendations are highlighted.
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Democracy, economy and happiness in post-Soviet States (1995-2014)
(Tartu Ülikool, 2017) Dimitrova, Lyubomira; Ehin, Piret, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Defining and measuring happiness has been a major topic for many generations of scholars. The contemporary discussion tackles upon the main predictors of happiness and their influence on the subject. This paper focuses on the influence of democracy and economy towards happiness, using the fifteen post- Soviet countries as cases. The data for the research has been collected from 1995 to 2014 and has been analyzed both on aggregate and individual level. The results show that on individual level both the economic status and the satisfaction with democracy have significant influence towards happiness. However, on aggregate level the income inequality appears to be the only predictor of happiness in both cases where the democracy factor is controlled for or not.
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Demokraatia ja diktatuur
(1933) Laaman, Eduard
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Demokraatia jätkusuutlikkuse võimalikkusest Eestis 1933. aasta põhiseaduse järgi
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Karelsohn, Hans; Kasekamp, Andres; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Estonia had its first constitution adopted in 1920, just two years after gaining independence. It might not be well known that a new constitution – officially a law for changing the existing constitution – composed by the Estonian Veterans’ League, was adopted by the citizens of Estonia in a referendum in octobre of 1933. Just a few months later, in march 1934, the rightist politician Konstantin Päts made a coup d’état with his fellow general Johan Laidoner. They established an authoritarian dictatorship, not following the new constitution. Thereby, Päts himself declared that this constitution was so poorly composed that it easily led him to take full control of the power. Since a lot of nowadays’ historical approaches of that era are based on the works composed between 1934 and 1991, there have been claims as if the constitution of 1933 was authoritarian or even fascist. This might lead to false interpretations amongst the Estonians today. Therefore it was important to analyse if a democratic regime was possible according to the Veterans’ League’s constitution as they themselves claimed. We took under review different aspects of democracy, also looked at it from a point of view of the constitutional law. Since it was announced by the Veterans’ League that their constitution would have established a presidential democracy, we had to take a look at the risks that would accompany this regime. It was also necessary to take a peek at the Estonian Veterans’ League movement itself, since its policy and goals in Estonia in the 1930s gave an idea, what they were hoping to achieve when changing the constitution. We also saw some opinions of the contemporary lawyers and politicians about the new constitution. Finally, the most important thing was to analyse the changes of the constitution themselves, occasionally comparing them to the current Estonian constitution and the one from 1920. All in all, it could be said that eventhough the constitution of 1933 complied the needed characteristics of democracy, there were some important shortages. The leader of the executive power, the president, would have been elected directly by the citizens of Estonia. But one of the problems was, for example, that he would have had the chance to constitute decrees and therefore soley influence the work of the parliament. So we could say that the continuity of democracy would have been possible according to the constitution of 1933 but would have depended too much on the person elected as the president: he could have legally established an authoritarian-like regime.
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Demokraatia konsolideerimine: Armeenia ja Gruusia viimase kahe parlamendivalimise järel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2014) Lill, Mari; Vilson, Maili, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut