UPTAKE 2018-2019 aasta publikatsioonid
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Item Dealing with the Past: Transitional Justice and De-communization(Routledge, 2017) Pettai, Eva-Clarita; Pettai, VelloThis chapter reviews the literature around the study of post-communist transitional justice. It begins by comparing how different scholars have conceptualized transitional justice, particularly the range of empirical phenomena that authors have decided to encompass when they have dealt with truth and justice issues. Secondly, the chapter shows how, depending on an author’s empirical delineation of the phenomenon, the independent variables chosen across time or across countries have also varied. Thirdly, the chapter turns the methodological equation around and examines those (albeit far fewer) scholars who have examined transitional justice as a causal phenomenon and sought to answer what transitional justice actually brings to society. Lastly, the overview presents a set of sub-themes in the field of post-communist transitional justice, namely the comparative study of institutions devoted to TJ, the growing importance of international influences on TJ, and the place of specifically post-conflict TJ in the context of former Yugoslavia.Item Balancing between consolidation and cartel. The effects of party law in Estonia.(Routledge, 2017) Pettai, VelloOver the last decade the institutionalist study of political parties has taken a new turn. The turn has been toward the in-depth study of party law and party regulation. Such institutions ostensibly operate as uniform determinants of behavior, regardless of population size. Hence, the case of Estonia, while being small in size and population, is interesting because it has been one of the more successful post-communist party systems to consolidate over the last 20 years. The argument in this chapter is therefore that this outcome has been a combination of increasing regulation in five particular domains: constitutional provisions, electoral rules, party registration requirements, parliamentary rules, and party finance. These are profiled as they appear across a chronological overview of changes in party law and party regulation over the last 20 years.Item Pluralism without Democracy, Vertical without Power: From Gor’kii to Nizhny Novgorod . . . and Back?(Slavic Review, 2018) Makarychev, AndreyIn this article I seek to identify the pivotal elements in the political trajectory of the Nizhnii Novgorod region since the beginning of the 1990s until present; from the first democratic experiences and innovations to their disavowal and repudiation. I intend to trace the main cycles of region’s political developments and on this basis define the specificity of its political system and relations with the federal center. By doing so, I retrospectively look at the evolution of the political landscape in the region during a quarter of century, from the first post-Soviet years to mature Putinism, and then discuss how political controversies take cultural form and are reflected in regional identity debates.Item Introduction. Identity Clashes: Russian and Ukrainian Debates on Culture, History, and Politics, Special Issue of Journal of Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society, 4:1.(Stuttgart: ibidem-Verlag, 2018) Makarychev, Andrey; Rozhanovskaya, NinaAn introduction to the special issue on Rusian and Ukrainian clashes over political and cultural mattersItem Beyond Geopolitics: Russian Soft Power, Conservatism, and Biopolitics(Brill’s publications, 2018) Makarychev, AndreyThis article offers a new approach to Russian foreign policy under Putin’s presidency as shifting from its ‘soft power’ model to what might be characterized through the prism of biopower. The author discusses the various meanings attached to the concept of attraction, and scrutinises the biopolitical turn in Russia as a domestic phenomenon and as a key element of Russia’s power projection abroad. It is argued that biopolitics as a power instrument can play different roles – it can be a tool to construct Russian national (and simultaneously imperial) identity and to distinguish Russia from the West, and channel for communication with conservative forces across the globe.Item The Do-or-Die Dilemma Facing Post-Soviet De Facto States(PONARS Eurasia, 2018) Vits, Kristel; Berg, EikiThis memo discusses the “do or die” dilemma of post-Soviet de facto states. Our examination looks in to patron-client relations that are highly unequal and asymmetric in terms of resources and capabilities: Russia vis-à-vis Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Transnistria, and Armenia vis-à-vis Nagorno-Karabakh. While relying entirely on a militarily and economically resourceful external patron is often seen as the only viable option, de facto states may be risking the loss of their “independence.” Hence their “do or die” dilemma that structures many of their policies.Item The politics of unpredictability: Acc/secession of Crimea and the blurring of international norms.(Routledge, 2018) Berg, Eiki; Mölder, MartinThis article focuses on prominent recent episodes where Russia has put sovereignty, the obligation to refrain (O2R) from using force, and self-determination to the test. Most recently in the Crimean context, we see that Russia’s systematic instrumental use of these norms does not contest the norms as such, but as their application becomes more contingent and arbitrary, their meaning is nevertheless blurred. We additionally explore how other justifications were applied alongside self-determination, which were all linked to interference in the internal political processes of another state, facilitating secession and incorporating part of the territory of the latter. We introduce the concept of blurring and show how the production of floating signifiers has become Russia’s preferred strategy in the international war of interpretations. This politics of unpredictability has led Russia to act in self-defence unilaterally and outside of the framework of the United Nations (UN), going against not only some of its own declared principles while following others, but also further strengthening the discursive gap with the West.Item A Tale of Two Orthodoxies: Europe in Religious Discourses of Russia and Georgia(Routledge, 2018) Makarychev, Andrey; Kakabadze, ShotaThe article seeks to analyze discourses of two Orthodox Churches—Georgian (GOC) and Russian (ROC)—from the vantage point of their various interconnections with Europe and the ensuing representations of Europe framed in religious terms. Of particular salience are relations between ROC and GOC, on the one hand, and the Roman Catholic Church, on the other, as well as the positioning of both ROC and GOC within the global community of Orthodox Churches. The analyzed political circumstances force religious hierarchs of both institutions, even if they share the similar ambivalence toward the West, to differently reproduce the image of Europe. The broader geopolitical picture puts the GOC in the position of supporting government’s foreign policy agenda which goes in opposition to the Kremlin, in spite of the fact that the former has a lot of common with the Moscow Patriarchate when it comes to criticism toward the Western liberal value systems.Item Identity and Hegemony in EU-Russia relations: Making Sense of the Asymmetrical Entanglement(London, New York: Routledge, 2018) Morozov, ViatcheslavThe study of EU–Russia relations has been a fruitful testing ground for constructivist research. This chapter attempts to take stock of the existing constructivist work on EU–Russia relations and to suggest some avenues for further development. It focuses on the structuralist approach by interpreting the identities of the actors as deriving from their relationship. The aim is to highlight the findings that are most relevant for the problematic of othering, hegemony and inequality.Item Boris Nemtsov and Russian Politics: Power and Resistance(Stuttgart: ibidem Verlag, 2018) Makarychev, Andrey; Yatsyk, AleksandraAn edited volume in commemoration of Boris Nemtsov's contribution to Russian politicsItem Russia and the EU Spaces of Interaction(Routledge, 2018) Makarychev, Andrey, toimetaja; Hoffmann, Thomas, toimetajaThe annexation of Crimea in 2014 and Russia’s support for military insurgency in eastern Ukraine undermined two decades of cooperation between Russia and the EU leaving both sides in a situation of reciprocal economic sanctions and political alienation. What is left of previous positive experiences and mutually beneficial interactions between the two parties? And, what new communication practices and strategies might Russia and Europe use? Previously coherent and institutionalized spaces of communication and dialogue between Moscow and Brussels have fragmented into relations that, while certainly not cooperative, are also not necessarily adversarial. Exploring these spaces, contributors consider how this indeterminacy makes cooperation problematic, though not impossible, and examine the shrunken, yet still existent, expanse of interaction between Russia and the EU. Analysing to what extent Russian foreign policy philosophy is compatible with European ideas of democracy, and whether Russia might pragmatically profit from the liberal democratic order, the volume also focuses on the practical implementation of these discourses and conceptualizations as policy instruments. This book is an important resource for researchers in Russian and Soviet Politics, Eastern European Politics and the policy, politics and expansion of the European Union.Item Bordering and Identity-Making in Europe After the 2015 Refugee Crisis(Routledge, 2018) Makarychev, AndreyIntroduction to the spacial issue that presents and analyzes the state of debate on EU's immigration policies from a geopolitical perspectiveItem Discursive Opportunities for the Estonian Populist Radical Right in a Digital Society(Routledge, 2018) Madisson, Mari-Liis; Wierenga, Louis; Kasekamp, AndresThis article analyzes the discursive opportunities, narratives, and dominant themes used by the Conservative People’s Party of Estonia (EKRE), a new populist radical right party, to achieve increasing visibility. Applying thematic analysis of EKRE’s social media content, we identify four main groups of issues that have formed the mainstay of EKRE’s political communication and framed the narrative that social media channels have disseminated: an anti-Russian stance, Euroskepticism, promotion of family values, and an anti-refugee discourse. We conclude that EKRE has successfully capitalized on specific conditions in the public sphere to increase its popularity.Item Russia as a counter-normative soft power: between ideology and policy(London and New York : Routledge, 2018) Makarychev, Andrey; Yatsyk, AlexandraThe chapter discusses the concept of soft power as a counter-normative tool in Russian foreign policyItem In Between War and Peace: The Conceptualisation of Russian Strategic Deterrence(Tartu : Tartu Ülikooli Kirjastus, 2018) Lucassen, Okke GeurtThe Russian Federation has expanded its foreign policy instruments in recent years to include a broader range of tools, both military and non-military for times of peace and war. The implications of this pivot in Russian foreign policy is often referred to in terms such as Hybrid Warfare, Cross-Domain Coercion, New Generation War, or the Gerasimov doctrine. Examples of this turn include the annexation of Crimea, the use of paramilitary groups (such as the Wagner Group), and foreign election tampering. The present paper contributes to the growing literature on contemporary Russian foreign policy by dissecting what the Russian Federation has named ‘Strategic Deterrence’ (сдерживание стратегическое) as a part of its foreign policy strategy. Whilst established theories of foreign policy strategies such as Hybrid Warfare have been adapted to better fit the contemporary Russian model, the notion of Russian Strategic Deterrence is best understood through its conceptualisation as a uniquely Russian take on contemporary foreign policy. This paper provides an analysis on how Russian perceptions of Western expansionism have influenced the Russian conceptualisation of Strategic Deterrence, and how the Russian concept of Strategic Deterrence is distinct from seemingly similar and commonly interchanged concepts such as Hybrid Warfare.Item Europe in Crisis: “Old,” “New,” or Incomplete?(PONARS Eurasia, 2018) Makarychev, Andrey; Kazharski, AliakseiThe memo discusses the current crisis in the EU institutions from the viewpoint of the ideas of "old" and "new" EuropeItem Sovereignty and Russian national identity-making: The biopolitical dimension(Edinburgh University Press, 2018) Yatsyk, Alexandra; Makarychev, AndreyThe chapter discuss issues of Russian sovereignty and identity from a biopolitical perspectiveItem Incomplete Hegemonies, Hybrid Neighbours: Identity Games and Policy Tools in Eastern Partnership Countries(2018) Makarychev, AndreyThe paper addresses the issues of EU's hegemony in its neighborhood and compares it with Russia's hegemonic rolesItem Biopolitics and Russian Studies: An Introduction(Brill’s publications, 2018) Makarychev, AndreyThis introductory article explains how the concept of biopolitics can be used as an analytical tool in the sphere of Russian studies. The author elucidates different approaches to the idea of biopolitics in contemporary political philosophy, and relates the extant theoretical debate to the ongoing political and academic discussions on power and identity in Russia, both from domestic and international perspectives. He claims that biopolitical vocabulary is a nuanced cognitive instrument for unpacking a plethora of social and cultural dimensions inherent to relations of power, and further conceptualizing the specificity of post-Soviet illiberal regimes.Item Introduction: A Conceptual Framework for Engagement with de facto States(Routledge, 2018) Ker-Lindsay, James; Berg, EikiSecessionist de facto states, by their very nature, sit outside of the international system. Having unilaterally declared independence from their parent state, they are invariably prevented from joining the United Nations, and thus taking their place as members of the community of universally recognised countries. While the reasons for such punitive approaches have a logic according to prevailing political and legal approaches to secession, it is also recognised that isolation can have harmful effects. Ostracising de facto can not only hinder efforts to resolve the dispute by reducing their willingness to engage in what they see as an asymmetrical settlement process, it can also force them into a closer relationship with a patron state. For this reason, there has been growing interest in academic and policy circles around the concept of engagement without recognition. This is a mechanism that provides for varying degrees of interaction with de facto states while maintaining the position that they are not regarded as independent sovereign actors in the international system. As is shown, while the concept has its flaws, it nevertheless opens up new opportunities for conflict management.
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