Sirvi Märksõna "iseseisvus (pol.)" järgi

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2017 Catalan independence referendum: the projection of Russian strategic narratives by RT and Sputnik
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Voltri, Johannes; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Sazonov, Vladimir, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
During the recent years, Russia has been accused in meddling in the internal affairs of Western countries on several occasions. Claims of Russian information campaign have also surfaced related to the Catalan independence referendum, held on 1 October 2017. Although there have been some analyses the author is not aware of any wider academic research examining Russian information activity related to the referendum. The aim of the thesis was to identify the strategic narratives that Russia disseminated to the English-language audience in relation to the Catalan independence referendum, and connect them with broader Russian foreign policy interests. The author, inter alia, seek to ascertain why Russia was interested in Catalonia in the first place and how it is used various communicative tools to achieve its goals. The author set a hypothesis that Russia was taking advantage of the events in Catalonia to enfeeble the European Union. To test the hypothesis the author conducted a poststructuralist discourse analysis on the content of Sputnik and RT that was published between 1 September and 31 October 2017. Apart from the news articles, television coverage of RT was also analysed. The coverage was viewed through the prism of the strategic narratives theory by Miskimmon, O’Loughlin and Roselle in connexion with the discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe. The author ascertained that the tense and at times violent conflict in Catalonia gave Russia a pretext to amplify the tensions and direct the coverage towards the European Union. Russia first argued for the intervention of the EU to give the conflict an international dimension. As the EU remained a bystander, Russia actively projected an identity narrative of the EU as hypocritical and not living up to the democratic values it serves to epitomise. EU was shown in decay and in the process of disintegration with an intent to weaken the West’s hegemony and by doing this strive for a multilateral world order where the role of Russia would be increased. The hypothesis was thus confirmed. The work contributes to the wider efforts of elucidating the range and technique of Russian information activities and demonstrates that Russia has vested interest not only in its close neighbourhood but also further away where it is not and active player itself.
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De facto state normalisation in a time of crisis: an analysis of Transnistria’s management of the COVID-19 pandemic
(Tartu Ülikool, 2021) Trostel, Melissa; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Nilsson, Rasmus, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The COVID-19 pandemic has thrown the world into a global public health crisis unlike anything experienced this century, throwing people’s lives and the international system into chaos. At this time, we do not have a complete understanding of the influence this pandemic may have had on international relations; nevertheless, it is interesting and important to begin analysing immediate changes. Thus, this thesis aims to take this context of the COVID-19 pandemic and apply it to an underrepresented political entity: the de facto state. The de facto state experience is already unique due to non-recognition and relative segregation from the international community; pairing this with the pandemic provides a compelling research opportunity for analysing the intersection of capacity to act vs. dependence and international engagement vs. isolation. Along these lines, this thesis proposes that the circumstances of crisis allow for altering the level of ‘normalisation’ of the de facto state in the international system. Through demonstrating capacity/incapacity and engagement/isolation de facto state authorities may be able to alter their perception from the international community.
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De facto state-patron state relations in two-level game theory: a case study on de facto states in Croatia and Bosnia during the Yugoslav wars
(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Bastek, Ryan Werner; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
De facto states are political entities that control territory and maintain all the requirements expected of a state except one, they lack international recognition. What they do have, in many cases, is the patronage of a recognized state that will help them to survive in a hostile world. So close is the relationship between patron and de facto states, that many dismiss de facto states as simply being puppets under the total control of the patron state. In this thesis I show how a genuine de facto state can be identified and differentiated from a puppet state; a true de facto state will be able to come to its own decisions rather than simply following dictates from their patron. To do this I examined the cases of the two Serbian-backed de facto states that emerged from the collapse of Yugoslavia in the 1990s and, through the use of two-level game theory, determine whether they accepted or rejected specific peace plans favored by their patron state based on internal political decisions or were simply carrying out the orders of the patron state.
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Die landwirtschaftliche Versuchs- und Forschungstätigkeit in Estland, sowie deren Regelung und Ergebnisse in den Jahren der Selbständigkeit : referaadi käsikiri
(1944) Rootsi, Nikolai; Akadeemiline Põllumajanduse Selts
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Foreign fighters on trial: why a universal legal definition of terrorism is not needed for states to improve regulation and prosecution of the foreign terrorist fighters Daesh under international law
(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Swabey, Hannah; Värk, René, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Õigusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool
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Framing integration as an act of sovereignty: focus on the Visegrad countries
(Tartu Ülikool, 2017) Talviste, Katharina-Rosande; Braghiroli, Stefano, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The current decade has been remarkably challenging for the whole European Union. The outburst of the migration crisis and the increase of nationalism in the Central-Europe has put the future of the European Union under concern. The aim of this thesis is to analyse the change of positions and statements of the Visegrad countries toward the European integration, based on the challenges and critical questions that EU is facing. The empirical part is constructed through critical discourse analysis, bases on the theory of constructivism and uses supranational governance and intergovernmental approach as competing ideas of European integration. The materials used for the analyse are the official statements and annual reports of the Visegrad Group. The results indicated that there is a certain change of balance in the statements of the group before and after the start of the crisis.
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From economic independence to political sovereignty: inventing “self-management” in the Estonian SSR
(2021-05-05) Saharov, Juhan; Piirimäe, Eva, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond
Doktoritöö pakub välja uue analüütilise mõiste, mille abil mõtestada ENSV-s aastatel 1987-1988 toimunud muutusi poliitilises keeles. Selleks on „mõisteline innovatsioon“, millega tähistatakse kaheosalist tegevust - peale termini varasema tähenduse (mõiste) radikaalsele muutmisele loob see lisaks intellektuaalse platvormi mõiste edasiseks laienduseks ning teiste (poliitiliselt kasutatavate) mõistete esiletõusuks. Selle näiteks on terminiga „isemajandamine“ toimunu, mille senist mõistet (ettevõtte majandusiseseisvus) laiendati 1987. aastal esiteks ruumiliselt (majandusüksuselt territoriaalüksusele) ja valdkonniti (ettevõtte iseseisvusest kõikide sotsiaalsfääride iseseisvuseni vabariigis) ning teiseks, see muutus aastal 1988 kogu vabariigi teadlaskonda mobiliseerivaks platvormiks (nn. IME projekt). Rahvusvahelist poliitikat kõige enam mõjutavaks tagajärjeks oli aga see, et „isemajandamise“ mõiste innovatsioon pani ettekavatsematult idanema järgmise, kõikidele liiduvabariikidele väga olulise poliitilise mõiste, milleks oli „suveräänsus“. Doktoritöö eesmärgiks on uuesti mõtestada Eesti taasiseseisvumise konteksti, asetades fookuse esiteks varasemasse perioodi ning teiseks revolutsiooni keelelisele aspektile. Lisaks „isemajandamise“ mõistelisele innovatsioonile, eristab ja kirjeldab töö mitmeid teisi mõistelisi protsesse, muuhulgas mõistete kandumist teadusest poliitikasse. Doktoritöö fookus on siin ENSV teadlaskonnal. Intellektuaalide ja teadlaste roll 1987.-88. a sündmustes on küll üldiselt tunnustatud, ent samas ei ole vaadeldud teadlaste poolset poliitilise keele „hõivamist“ läbi pikema perioodi rekonstruktsiooni. Nimelt näitab töö, kuidas perestroika-aegne reformipoliitiline keel oli tugevalt mõjutatud 1960.-1970. aastatel ülemaailmses teaduskogukonnas esile kerkinud uute distsipliinide (nagu süsteemiteooria, juhtimisteadus, globaaluuringud) ekspertkeeltest. Mainitud valdkondade mõistestik ja argumendid said intellektuaalseks raamistikuks ENSV sotsiaal- ja loodusteadlastele, mida oli võimalik kasutada poliitikasse sisenemisel perestroika tulekul 1985. aastal. Töö vaatleb seega Eesti perestroika kujunemise intellektuaalset genealoogiat, küsides, millised mõisted ja „keeled“, millistest teadusvaldkondadest olid teadlastele vahenditeks poliitiliste muutuste ellu kutsumisel ja laiendamisel
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Hispaania ühtsuse säilitamine Kataloonia ja Baskimaa iseseisvuspüüdluste kontekstis
(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Vaas, Thor; Vilson, Maili, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
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Internal and external dimensions of pro-independence movements in Republika Srpska and Iraqi Kurdistan
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Grigorian, Arpi; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The aim of this study was to analyze the internal and external channels that Republika Srpska in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Iraqi Kurdistan put to use to promote their internal sovereignty and external political actorness. The theoretical implications of the research are that comprehensive peace agreements contain elements that can be deemed to encourage secessionism in the power-sharing structures they create, which challenges the solution of ethno-nationalist civil wars through establishing federalist states. Receiving constitutionally guaranteed powers, the minority elites continue promoting their cause using state structures and competencies granted to them by the state, contesting the central government in the internal political domain. Though I find that the actions of these entities slow down bureaucratic processes in the state and challenge central authorities, I did not find support that the secessionist politics led by sub-state entities have the aim of secession as a short-term goal. Rather, sub-state entities use structures given to them to re-negotiate their positions with the central government, and engage in foreign relations to strengthen their political and economic ties with external actors, which serve to legitimize the perpetual actions of challenging central authorities and gaining support from sub-state constituents.
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Kaasaegse suveräänsuse mõõdistamine ja kaardistamine
(2004) Kuusk, Ene; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja
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Konsensusliku setsessiooni tingimustele vastavuse analüüs: Sudaani ja Serbia-Montenegro liitriigi lagunemise näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Nimmo, Maarika; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
States have been in the centre of international relations for many centuries now and the number of states has almost doubled during the 21st century. There are many ways for states to come about – one of them is secession. Secession designates a process, where a territory, usually expressed by the permanent population, withdraws from a sovereign state with the aim of forming a new independent sovereign state. There are many theoretical viewpoints on secession, which can be divided mainly into two – unilateral secession and consensual secession. This thesis focuses on consensual secession, which literally means that the parent state is willing to let go of a seceding entity. The first part of the thesis gave an overview of the theoretical background of secession. It described, how secession as a term in international relations is connected to state sovereignty, territorial integrity and to the right of self-determination. The theoretical part gave an overview of unilateral secession, in order to differentiate it from consensual secession, which was analysed subsequently. The last part of the theoretical part focused on the procedural framework and described in turn the conditions that form the framework. The procedural framework was based on the framework constructed by Miodrag A. Jovanović, but in the current thesis the framework was expanded and other conditions were added. The procedural framework that was composed listed the following conditions: the existence of a constitution or an agreement; a right to initiate the secession procedure; a waiting period between two secession procedures; a referendum with a majority threshold, a minimum turn-out requirement, a clearly posed question, conditions for eligibility to vote and accurate certification of results; divided territory between the entities; divided resources between the entities and divided debt between the entities; the willingness of the parent state; the approval of the international community. Most importantly the methodological part of the thesis formulated the hypothesis of the research project and gave values to the variables that were analysed in the empirical part. The hypothesis was: the break up of Serbia-Montenegro is more consistent with consensual secession requirements than Sudan-South Sudan’s case. The variables were the conditions of the procedural framework. The empirical part was divided into two. The first part analysed the case of Serbia and Montenegro secession and the second part analysed the Sudan and South Sudan secession. In both cases the procedural framework was the basis for the analysis as the conditions of the framework were analysed separately in both cases. The Montenegrin secession from Serbia can be summarized according to the framework as follows. There existed a constitution that determined the relations between the entities, called the Constitutional Charter. The Charter also included a clause for the right to initiate a secession procedure, referendum. There was also stipulated that a waiting period of three years must be between the adoption of the charter and conducting a referendum. The referendum was planned according to the laws but the Referendum Law was adopted just a month and a half before the referendum took place. It can be seen, that the referendum was planned but the exact date of the referendum was determined in the late phase. There was stipulated a qualified majority threshold of 55% for the referendum to succeed. In the end there was 55,54% of those opting for secession. There was also a minimum turnout requirement of 50%. In the end 86,4% of the electorate participated, which was a high rate. The question put on to referendum was assessed as a clear one. There were also clear conditions for the eligibility to vote, as voting rights were enjoyed only by the citizens of Montenegro. The results of the referendum were assessed to have been made public accurately. The territory, resources and debt are divided by the entities, Serbia and Montenegro. The willingness of the parent state, Serbia, was mostly achieved before the process and the international community was mainly in favour of the secession. The South Sudan’s secession from Sudan can be summarized according to the framework as follows. There was a document that determined the relations between the entities, it was a peace agreement called Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). The agreement ended the long civil war in the country and laid down a framework for the future. The CPA also included a right for South Sudan to initiate a secession procedure. There was also stipulated an interim period in the agreement, that was six years and that a referendum must be held a half a year before the end of that period. The referendum therefore was planned quite early and with an exact date. For the success of the referendum, there was required a simple majority of 50% + 1 vote in favour of secession. In the end 98,5% of the people who voted were in favour of secession. There was also stipulated a minimum turnout requirement of 60%. This requirement was also passed as 97,58% of registered voters participated in the referendum. The question (a choice in South Sudan’s case) put to referendum was in brief assessed as clear. There were clear conditions for the eligibility to vote, as voting rights were enjoyed only by people with South Sudan’s origin. The results of the referendum were assessed to have been made public accurately. The territory, resources and debt are not divided by Sudan and South Sudan. These issues are a source of conflict between the states. The willingness of the parent state, Sudan, was mostly achieved during the process and the international community was in favour of the secession. The analysis of the results outlined the main similarities and differences between the two secession cases. It was concluded that many conditions related to the referendum were handled similarly in both cases. There were slight differences in the majority threshold and minimum turnout requirement conditions, although conditions themselves were apparent in both cases. The biggest differences between the cases are related to the division of territory, resources and debt. When Serbia and Montenegro have mainly settled these issues calmly, Sudan and South Sudan face serious challenges during the writing of this thesis in spring 2012, as many commentators warn of the possibility of war. The formulated hypothesis stating that the breakup of Serbia and Montenegro is more consistent with consensual secession requirements than the case of Sudan and South Sudan was therefore confirmed. Montenegrin case fulfils more or less all the conditions set out in the procedural framework but South Sudan’s case does not. The conditions that are not met by South Sudan are a source of conflict between South Sudan and Sudan. The procedural framework that was composed in the theoretical part therefore reflects the actual situations in these states and adding conditions to the base model has been justified. It stems that the procedural framework has a normative character. It is concluded that the successful attempt to widen the procedural framework for secession has been made, but the framework still needs to be tested more thoroughly and on a bigger number of cases.
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Kümme aastat Eesti riiklikku iseseisvust
(1928) Parikas, Johannes, fotograaf; Parikas, Peeter, fotograaf; Vannas, August, fotograaf
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L'Esthonie et les Esthoniens
(Paris : Bureaux de l'Action Nationale, 1920) Terquem, Emile
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Nõuanded laste kasvatamiseks ajakirjades Nõukogude Naine ja Eesti Naine nõukogude aja lõpul ja taasiseseisvunud Eestis
(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Eensaar, Linda; Kurrikoff, Triin, juhendaja; Kalmus, Veronika, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Ühiskonnateaduste instituut
Bakalaureusetöö eesmärk oli uurida, kas ja millisel moel on muutunud laste kasvatamiseks antud nõuanded Eesti ajakirjanduses üleminekuajal, mil Eesti astus välja Nõukogude Liidust iseseisvaks riigiks. Selleks uurisin, kuidas muutus nende sisu ehk mille kohta enam nõu anti, kuidas muutusid väärtused, mis nõuannetega kaasas käisid ning milliseid kasvatusstiile enam propageeriti. Väärtuste uurimiseks võtsin aluseks Shalom H. Schwartzi määratletud kümme põhiväärtust ning Diana Baumrindi koostatud neli kasvatuse põhistiili. Uurimismeetodina kasutasin standardiseeritud kontentanalüüsi, mis võimaldas vaadelda tekstide muutumist ajas. Valimisse kuulusid ajakirjanumbrid, mis ilmusid aastatel 1980, 1981, 1986, 1987, 1992, 1993, 1998, 1999, 2004 ja 2005. Analüüsitud artikleid, mis rääkisid laste kasvatamist ja jagasid sellealast nõu, oli kokku 210. Minu töö hüpotees oli, et nõuanded on uuritava aja jooksul nii sisu, väärtuste kui ka kasvatusstiilide poolest muutunud. Uurimise käigus selgus, et nii see ka oli. Nõuannete sisus toimunud muutused seisnesid selles, et enne taasiseseisvumist räägiti Nõukogude Naises märgatavalt rohkem viisakusest ja sellest, kuidas lastele kombeid õpetada. Hilisemal perioodil (1990ndate lõpus) räägiti esmakordselt noorte homoseksuaalsusest ja puuetega lastest. Pärast taasiseseisvumist räägiti rohkem ka kasulastest ning jagati rohkem nõu üksikvanematele. Nõuannetes esinevate väärtuste osakaalud varieerusid aastate lõikes üsna palju, kuid mõned trendid olid siiski märgatavad. Näiteks traditsioonide, konformsuse ja universalismi väärtustamine oli uuritud aastakäikude lõikes langustrendis ning heatahtlikkuse väärtustamine kasvas. Kõigi valitud aastate lõikes oli kõige enam propageeritavam väärtus iseseisvus. Kasvatusstiilide osas seisnes kõige olulisem muutus järeleandliku ja autoritaarse kasvatusstiiliga nõuannete osakaalu vahetuses. Kui varem oli rohkem autoritaarset kasvatusstiili järgivaid nõuandeid, siis hiljem oli järeleandliku kasvatusstiili näiteid oluliselt rohkem. Autoriteetset kasvatusstiili propageerivad nõuandeid oli alati kõige rohkem. Eelnevalt kirjeldatud muutused võisid tuleneda üleminekust kommunistlikust riigist demokraatlikuks (ka perekonnaelu võis nii-öelda demokraatlikumaks muutuda) ning üleüldisest individualiseerumisest maailmas ning Lääne meedia mõjust, mis pärast taasiseseisvumist Eesti ajakirjandust mõjutama hakkas. Lisaks muutustele laste kasvatamise nõuannetes, muutus pärast riigikorra vahetumist üldiselt ajakirja Eesti Naine sisu.
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Plea for the independence of Esthonia, Latvia and Lithuania : speech in the House of Representatives, Apr. 20, 1921
(Washington : Cov. Print. Office, 1921) Chandler, Walter M.
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Proportionality between violations of national minorities’ rights and the right to secession as a claim to self-determination
(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Akopdzhanyan, Leonid; Värk, René, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Õigusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool
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Regional empowerment, secessionism and European integration: the cases of Catalonia and Scotland
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Tunnel, Hanna; Ehin, Piret, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
One of the main challenges facing multicultural states in today's globalised world is accommodating the various diverse groups living within them. Especially complex are the claims of minority sub-state nations, which demand greater autonomy and in extreme cases want to separate. Recently several regionalist or nationalist movements have become more assertive, and there has emerged a new dimension to the matter – the movements envision independence within the European Union (EU). If a constituent region of an EU member state were to become independent, it would set a precedent. Thus, the aim of this thesis is to analyse the relationship between European integration and secessionism in multicultural states. Building on theoretical insights from multilevel governance, new regionalism and rational choice institutionalism, the thesis analyses the international environment created by European integration, the political and economic empowerment of regions in the EU since the Single European Act, as well as the mobilisation of subnational actors, which pursue their regional interests and demand more powers (including independence). The study is conducted using two cases, Catalonia and Scotland, and finds that they have rationally responded to their changed opportunity structures. Thus, the main result of the analysis is that European integration has strengthened secessionism in multinational states with sizeable geographically concentrated indigenous minority groups, by creating a favourable international environment for small states, and strengthening regions and subnational actors economically and politically.
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Riigi suveräänsus ja julgeolek ning rahvusvahelise kaitse taotleja õigused
(Tartu Ülikool, 2015) Põldma, Marina; Värk, René, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Õigusteaduskond
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Russian approaches to the right of peoples to self-determination: from the 1966 United Nations Covenants to Crimea
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Poghosyan, Sevanna; Mälksoo, Lauri, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Õigusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool
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Setsessionistliku liikumise kujunemine: Kataloonia näide 2003-2017
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Karu, Herman; Pettai, Vello, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
2017. aastal Kataloonias toimunud iseseisvusreferendum ning selleni viinud sündmused on siiani päevakohased, mistõttu on sobilik uurida setsessionistliku liikumise kujunemist. Lähtudes Kataloonia kontekstist, puudutab käesolev bakalaureusetöö tingimusi, mis vähemusrahvuste puhul viivad setsessionistlike liikumiste tekkeni. Setsessionistlike liikumiste tekke uurimiseks on käesolev bakalaureusetöö jaotatud kahte ossa, milleks on teoreetiline pool ning empiiriline pool. Teoreetilises pooles tuuakse välja ning kirjeldatakse erinevaid tingimusi, mis põhjustavad setsessionistliku mobilisatsiooni vähemusrahvuse seas. Uuritavateks tingimusteks on detsentraliseeritud poliitiline süsteem, setsessionistliku liikumise katalüsaator, identiteediküsimus ning majanduslikud ja poliitilised probleemid. Bakalaureusetöö empiirilises osas analüüsitakse setsessionistliku mobilisatsiooni kulgu Kataloonias ning eelnevalt välja toodud tingimuste mõju setsessionistliku liikumise kujunemisele piirkonnas. Empiirilise analüüsi käigus selgus, et Kataloonia kontekstis on setsessionistliku liikumise teket mõjutanud kõik eelnevalt välja toodud tingimused. Detsentraliseeritud süsteem andis võimaluse võimule tulla jõududel, kelle eesmärgiks oli halduspoliitilise olukorra muutmine. Muutuste tulemusena mõjus setsessionistlikule liikumisele katalüsaatorina 2010. aasta Hispaania Konstitutsioonikohtu otsus autonoomia põhikirja muutmisest. Kohtu otsusega tekkisid poliitikat ja majandust puudutavad kaebused, mida setsessionistlik liikumine kasutas hilisemal ajal liikumise õigustamiseks. Vahemikul 2010-2012 toimus poliitiline mobiliseerumine nii rahva kui poliitilise eliidi seas. Selle tulemusena suurenes iseseisva riigi pooldamine rahva seas ning Kataloonia poliitiline eliit asus iseseisvuse nimel tegutsema. Samuti tugevnes antud ajal katalaanide identiteeditajuvus, mis tugevdas setsessionistlikke arusaamu veelgi. Bakalaureusetöö analüüsi põhjal saab öelda, et vähemusrahvuste puhul on setsessionistliku liikumise tekkimise tingimusteks detsentraliseeritud poliitiline süsteem riigis, setsessionistliku liikumise katalüsaatori olemasolu, identiteediküsimus ning majanduslikud ja poliitilised kaebused.