Euroopa Liidu – Venemaa uuringute õppekava magistritööd – Master´s theses
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Sirvi
Sirvi Euroopa Liidu – Venemaa uuringute õppekava magistritööd – Master´s theses Pealkiri järgi
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listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs , 10 years of Nordic defence: the correlation between perception of threat and ambition for defence cooperation in the Nordic Council 2009-2018(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Henell, Elis; Linsenmaier, Thomas, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutDefence and security have during the last decade become an increasingly important part of the Nordic cooperation that traditionally has been defined mainly by the absence of these questions on the agenda. In my thesis I will look at ambition for Nordic defence cooperation and how the changed perception of Russia after 2014 has affected the ambition for it in the Nordic Council. Theoretically I rely on Stephen Walt’s Balance of Threat theory with the expectation that more perceived threat leads to more alignment. The choice of the neorealist approach is justified by first looking at the core of why nations align and then conceptualizing the Nordic cooperation in defence as a form of alignment. The empirical part of the research consists of a cross-temporal comparison of ambition for Nordic defence cooperation in the international debates of the annual sessions of the Nordic Council before (2009-2013) and after (2014-2018) the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014, which has been defined as a turning point in the Nordic and European security environment. This turn should imply a higher perception of threat in the debate. Using thematical grouping of the data I identify patterns that help me measure the correlation between perception of threat and ambition for Nordic defence cooperation in Nordic parliamentary cooperation. By observing the data, I show that the level of perceived threat for the period 2009-2013 is low and the ambition for regional defence cooperation is high, while the level of perceived threat 2014-2018 is high but the ambition for regional defence cooperation low. I also present other variables inductively drawn from the data that might explain the changes in the level of ambition better than the changed level of threat.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs , Adaptation of diplomacy to the digital age case studies: the USA, Israel and Russia(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Pashayeva, Zumrud; McNamara, Eoin Micheál, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThe purpose of this research is to study the transformations in the nature of diplomacy in order to adapt new age. The research investigates the distinct form of diplomacy identified by the changes result of technological development and compares the views on this type of diplomacy. It attempts to explain the phenomenon from a broad perspective, while more elaborating its communication aspect. The principal mission of the thesis is to find a more relevant explanation for what purpose the states have begun to apply digitalization in diplomatic activities and how it affects diplomatic rhetoric. With help of the comparative case study involving three countries, the United States, Israel, and the Russian Federation, the study provides an understanding of the motivation of these countries in employing of digital instruments in diplomacy. Along with that, it investigates the status of digital diplomacy at the policy level in these countries.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs , Application of the European Union's human security approach to the European Union Monitoring Mission to Georgia(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Apriashvili, Mariam; Linsenmaier, Thomas, juhendaja; Vits, Kristel, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThis Master’s thesis explores the way in which human security agenda has found its way into the security practices of an emerging security actor, the European Union (EU). In this context, while the work introduces the human security concept in the realm of the EU, in particular in the framework of Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), the European Union Monitoring Mission in Georgia (EUMM Georgia) is being examined as a case where human security is put in practice. Thesis puts forward a set of three interrelated questions: Firstly, whether human security approach was followed by the EU in EUMM Georgia and secondly, how it was implemented. For this purpose, the six principles of human security, defined by Madrid Report of 2007 will be scrutinized and will be used as an indicator to measure practical implementation of the EU human security approach on the ground, in case of EUMM Georgia. And thirdly, it goes on to explore what was the rationale for the EU to opt for this approach. In order to account for this latter, the thesis applies both Constructivist and Rationalist theories along the human security concept in the framework of the EU’s CSDP, and argues that it is the combination of rationalist calculation and considerations of appropriateness that leads the EU to adopt a human security approach in CSDP, in this case in EUMM Georgia.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs , Artistic practices on the service of the counter-hegemony: the case of contemporary Russian artist Pyotr Pavlensky(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Stanislav, Yevstifeyev; Ventsel, Andreas, juhendaja; Damčević, Katarina, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThe writing and completion of this thesis would not have been possible without support of my supervisors Dr. Andreas Ventsel and Katarina Damčević. I want to express my gratitude which is beyond any words for the eternal patience of Andreas and Katarina. I also want to thank the University of Tartu for giving a chance for pursuing master degree in the program of the European Union and Russian studies. A special thanking word I want to dedicate to my mother Yekaterina who has been supporting me all the way through the period of my studies, to my friends Dinara Pisareva who inspired me to apply for European Union and Russian studies program, Dinara, Aizhan, Yoko, Daniil, Ainur, Caio and Ariel for their encouragement, to my beloved colleagues Valeria, Alesi, Hilda, Dainis, Bryan, and to my family Andrey, Ol'ga, Talgat, Alexander, Ruslan and Lena for their love and kind words. I want to thank my dearest partners and closest friends Oleg Ivanov and Nikita Naumov for being so supportive in multiple ways.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs , Assessing Russian impact on the Western Balkan countries' EU accession: cases of Croatia and Serbia(Tartu Ülikool, 2017) Zorić, Bojana; Braghiroli, Stefano, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThe matter of EU enlargement to the Western Balkans has become overshadowed by pressing issues such as Brexit, the rise of the radical right and international terrorism. Notwithstanding the pressure to address these issues accordingly, increasing tensions and ethnic outbursts across the Western Balkans are reason enough for the European Union to devote significant attention to accession talks. This thesis addresses the Western Balkan countries’ Europeanization process with consideration of Russia as an external actor. The inclinations of Western Balkan countries toward the EU incite Moscow to increase its presence in the region with the aim of diverting countries from the path to European integration. Drawing on the theory of liberal intergovernmentalism and a rational approach to European integration, the research argues that the rational and pragmatic impetus behind the Europeanization dynamic brings to the forefront long-term economic, security and geopolitical benefits for the Western Balkan countries. By assessing the candidate countries’ progress amid EU negotiations, the thesis suggests that the countries’ bilateral ties with Russia have an impact on the Europeanization process. This tendency is particularly visible in Chapter 31 Foreign, security, and defence policy of the acquis communautaire. The broader geopolitical framework comprises the multifaceted relationship between the EU and Russia that is crucial for understanding the dynamics of EU-Western Balkans-Russia triangle.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs , Assessing the Europeanisation of fight against corruption in the candidate countries and Eastern neighbours(Tartu Ülikool, 2021) Mamedov, Gadir; Braghiroli, Stefano, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutFight against corruption is an essential element of good governance that has become an inalienable part of EU Enlargement and Neighbourhood Policy. Progress in the fight against corruption depends on many mechanisms and factors, such as effective conditionality, domestic conditions, and empowerment of civil society organisations. This thesis investigates the relationship between these factors and the progress in the fight against corruption in Western Balkan and Eastern Partnership countries bounded by post-communist legacy. Progress in fight against corruption is measured through two alternative indices: EU-assessed index based on the annual reports and World Bank’s Control of Corruption index. Mixed methods were employed for testing hypotheses and causal mechanisms. Beta regression, modified by adding fixed effects and lagged dependent variable, was used to analyse effects and strength of predictors on panel data containing 148 observations. Validation of the results of statistical model and understanding of interconnection and development of various mechanisms was conducted with help of process tracing method. The results of statistical models found relationship between policy-specific conditionality and progress in the fight against corruption. However, policy-specific conditionality loses its effect once the reward is achieved by a partner country. Another interesting finding is that civil society organisations are positively associated with the higher level of progress in the EU-assessed reports, while it has a non-significant and opposite direction in the models with Control of Corruption index. Finally, process tracing revealed strong interconnection between the preferential fit of the government and empowerment of civil society. Civil Society is necessary for ensuring local ownership of the reforms and achieving the progress, but it can be involved in policy making process only if the government allows so. Presence of policy-specific conditionality and communication of CSO with the EU do not change situation towards higher progress, unless former conditions emerge. Results and conclusions of this study suggest how the EU conditionality logic could be adjusted to better promote democracy and good governance in the EU neighbourhood without reproducing adverse effects of state capture and status-quo legitimisation for which the EU Neighbourhood Policy is criticized.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs , Assessing the validity of structural reform aggregations in economic growth models of 24 transition economies(Tartu Ülikool, 2021) Hayford, Martin Daniel; Mölder, Martin, juhendaja; Eamets, Raul, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutDuring the early 1990s a trend of aggregating policy variables emerged out of econometric examinations of growth in transition countries, where more conventional growth models proved inadequate or incomplete. This thesis examines the use of one aggregation in particular, the cumulative liberalization index (CLI) representing structural reforms, and how different constructions of the index based on its conceptual structure can lead to different results. Further, the implications of different conceptual structures can lead to far different conclusions in applications of policy. This analysis shows, that although the different aggregations have similar capacities to predict growth, there are important differences in how the results are interpreted and applied. Namely, different conclusions about the effect of liberalization policy can be formed or obscured based on the outcomes of economic models that use different aggregations of policy indicators. A direct line can be drawn from the concept structuring through to the results and interpretation. Additionally, a conceptually simplified model based on the substantive results of the analysis is proposed that eliminates the need for a structural reforms construct entirely.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs , Beyond ecclesiastical nationalism: agency and selfhood in the Orthodox world – the constellations of contemporary Macedonia and Moldova(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Kolov, Bojidar; Kilp, Alar, juhendaja; Linsenmaier, Thomas, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutAgainst the background of an innate imperative for ecclesial unity, the intensifying antagonistic plurality of the Orthodox Church poses an array of research questions. The continuous social relevance of Orthodoxy, as well as the general entanglement of political and religious identities in a number of societies make these research questions not only relevant to theology and ecclesiology, but also to political studies. The current account aims to address one of the fundamental problems of modern Orthodox ecclesiastical governance and that is the issue of Selfhood and agency. Previous literature has linked Orthodox jurisdictional subjectivity with the advent of the modern nation state. Indeed, the institutional architecture of the majority of Orthodox Churches today is almost inextricably connected with this paradigm of political and social organization. However, the link between nation and state on one hand and ecclesiastical particularity on the other proves to be far from universal. In the light of unexplainable from nation-centric perspective cases, the current study attempts to provide an alternative ontology for ecclesiastical Selfhood and agency. The scope of the project covers the contemporary ecclesiastical dynamics in two comparable constellations, these of Macedonia and Moldova. Based on constructivist and poststructuralist theoretical and methodological premises, the study focuses on the discursive practices related with the establishment and/or contestation of ecclesiastical institutions. The analytical comparison between the public discourses, produced by the competing jurisdictions in the two countries, outlines three key articulations crucial for the emergence of particular Orthodox Churches. A nascent ecclesiastical Subject is constructed through an identification with a radical social object/discourse, by articulation of a representative role vis-à-vis certain social group, and by narrating the existing power relations as unjust and/or meaningless. If generalized, these findings put forward a new perspective on the emancipatory and hegemonic practices, which modern Orthodox ecclesiastical governance involves.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs , Bordering and de-bordering: the Russian speaking community in Estonia(Tartu Ülikool, 2022) Siva, Sami; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Terry, George Spencer, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThe Purpose of this MA thesis is to explain the nuances between those communities that live along the borders of Estonia & Russia and Estonia & Latvia. The connecting thread between these communities is that they are divided by the international borders and yet share family and/or cultural ties across the border. Moreover, they are different in the ways in which they are integrated into the Estonian socio-cultural milieu. Therefore, this research aims to explain the difference between these communities and how nuances in bordering and de-bordering practices of these communities influence the security narratives of Estonia. Methodology of this work is grounded on an ethnographic study of these communities using photographs and text as research material. I use visual autoethnographic studies, which is entrenched in the positionality of the researcher (Bleiker, 2019) as a participant and a witness and thus explain things that are unseen. Photographs from the fieldwork are used in conjunction with the words of the members of the community. Therefore, from a methodological perspective, in this study, I aim to explore the possibilities of using photographs in political science research. From a conceptual standpoint, in this thesis I utilize three different pillars: social constructivism, hegemony, and cultural semiotics to analyze the empirical data - interviews and photographs - obtained from the fieldwork to explain the nuances in social-cultural practices of these communities situated on the borderlands of Estonia.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs , Casting votes digitally: examining the Latvian national position on Internet voting(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Beitane, Anna; Braghiroli, Stefano, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutlistelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs , Causes and consequences of perceptions of discrimination among Russian-speakers of Estonia(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Danylyuk, Arsen; Ehin, Piret, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutPerceived discrimination as a social and political phenomenon has received considerably less academic attention in post-Soviet countries than, for example, in the United States or Western Europe. The following study aims to test whether Russian-speakers in Estonia have higher level of perceived discrimination than Estonian-speakers. Then, the author defines factors that determine perceived discrimination using binary logistic regression. Finally, it is tested whether perceived discrimination determines higher or lower levels of institutional trust. It is, consequently, concluded that Russian-speakers are generally more likely to feel discriminated against. Also, a set of factors that determine levels of perceived discrimination among Russian-speakers is defined, among which the strongest ones are presence/ absence of citizenship and employment status. Finally, the author found a causal link between perceived discrimination and institutional trust, whereas those Russian-speakers who feel discriminated aginst have lower levels of institutional trust.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs , Comparison of governmental approaches to counter Russian information influence in the Baltic states(Tartu Ülikool, 2021) Voltri, Johannes; Sazonov, Vladimir, juhendaja; Ventsel, Andreas, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutNumerous studies on information influence activities such as mis- and disinformation or inauthentic behaviour on social media have been published in recent years, mainly concentrating on the prevalence, characteristics and causes. Yet, comprehensive research of how governments manage this “information disorder” has remained largely on the sidelines, contributing to a dearth of knowledge when it comes to adequate responses to information influence activities. The study seeks to contribute to this literature by focusing on Baltic reactions to Russian information influence. The main aim of the thesis is to examine and compare Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian governmental approaches to responding to Russian information influence activities. Main strategic documents were analysed, and state officials interviewed to obtain a comprehensive understanding of how the Baltic states deal with information influence in general and which countermeasures the three countries have undertaken, concentrating on the setup of strategic communication, media literacy in formal education and media policy. In order to make sense of various strategies democracies might opt for, an analytical framework by Hellman and Wagnsson (2017) was used. The focus of the research is on governmental action, excluding media and third sector activities such as independent fact-checking or educational projects. The author argues that albeit in general the Baltic states approach countering Russian information influence similarly, the understandings diverge on the extent to which the state should regulate the media to achieve its goals. Compared to Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania seek to actively shape the media environment, either through media support measures to encourage media literacy and raise awareness or by restricting access to Russian television channels to respond to incitements of hatred. Estonia, on the other hand, has fared better in developing Russian-language public media as an alternative to still influential Russia’s information space. More broadly, the author suggests that governments respond to information influence activities first by implementing regulations and secondly by raising awareness.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs , Consequences of consociationalism in North Macedonia: the changing inter-community relationship in elite discourse(Tartu Ülikool, 2021) Ajruli, Omar; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThe fall of Yugoslavia resulted into the independence several countries among them Macedonia (North Macedonia now). However, the government form of new country brought mixed feelings for its citizens. Eventually frustrations for better representation of the ethnic Albanian in the new independent country led to an armed revolt. The revolt between ethnic Albanians and ethnic Macedonians in 2001 resulted in the signing of the Ohrid Framework Agreement. The Ohrid Agreement introduced a Consociational government form in Macedonia. My research aim is to find how discourse has changed among Macedonians and Albanian political elite by the implementation of Consociational in the country. Using critical discourse analysis in a diachronic research design this thesis will contribute to the argument that Consociationalism has been successful in changing the political elite discourse in North Macedonia. A line can be drawn that with the introduction of Consociationalism in the country change in identification and vocabulary as well a decline in polarization and political elites’ activities/behaviour has been changed. Additionally, the intervening factor is that Consociationalism worked in conjunction with the main external factors for North Macedonia that being the EU.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs , Deconstructing contemporary Russian national Identity: analysing discursive reactions to crisis situations(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Kuzmiankova, Aliautsina; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThe following thesis addresses Russian identity in times of crises and the differences between the official pro-government discourse and the discourse in the public sphere. In order to trace contemporary Russian national identity, I use discourse analysis of three cases of crises: the war in Syria, the conflict in Ukraine and the refugee crisis in Europe. As conflict situations, crises and wars involve opposition between two or more sides. Therefore, drawing on Hopf’s idea that identities are relational, identities become more explicit in crises situations as they are shown in relation and opposition to each other. The other aim of this research is to find differences between the official discourse and the discourse in the public sphere. This is done through discourse analysis of the pro-government popular media outlets (for the official discourse) and pro-government bloggers (for the discourse in the public sphere). I argue that discourse differs in those too. Drawing on Foucauldian ‘truth regime’ and concepts of body and power, I contribute another topic for the analysis - body control through homophobic sentiments. Based on the notion that the state needs to take control over the human body, fertility and demography (which is particularly important during the time of crisis), I argue that biopolitics is a leitmotif for the other aforementioned topics and has to be taken into account. I also argue that strong support for the promotion of traditional values is used as a tool to strengthen identity building.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs , Describing Russian-speaking youngsters as Estonian citizens(Tartu Ülikool, 2017) Parksepp, Anette; Kõuts-Klemm, Ragne, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutOriginal language and volume of paper: English, 132 pages The Russian-speaking community in Estonia has remained less active in politics than Estonian-speakers for more than 25 years, regardless of integration strategies aiming to tackle this problem. As youngsters are more receptive, it is important to understand how Russian-speaking students could be engaged in the civic life. To analyze this, the thesis draws upon the changing citizenship theories and the new modes of civic engagement and political participation of youngsters. The thesis aims to give a complex understanding of young Russian-speakers as citizens, compared to Estonian-speaking students. The research uses a combined method of quantitative and qualitative data analysis, which shows that Russian-speaking youngsters can be divided into three general categories: political activists, civil participants, and passive citizens, whereby ¾ of the respondents belong to the latter group. Russian-speaking students are demotivated by the lack of civically active friends and the disbelief in being able to change something in the society. The fear of being excluded by getting into conflicts also hampers the political participation of the ethnic minority. Meanwhile, school setting and international projects can be effective ways to involve and integrate Russian-speaking youngsters.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs , Differences in thematic and geographical interests among the readers of news portal Delfi in Russian and Estonian language(Tartu Ülikool, 2021) Briantseva, Nina; Kaldur, Kristjan, juhendaja; Seppel, Külliki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThe purpose of this master’s thesis is to study whether and how the media consumption among Russian-speaking minority in Estonia has an effect on the integration of this group to Estonian society. For this, the character of the media consumption among two audiences: Russianspeaking minorities and Estonian-speaking group - is compared and analysed. The thesis uses the quantitative approach: statistical data about the media consumption of these two audiences is analysed, based on the data from the Estonian news portal Delfi.ee and its Russian-language version RusDelfi.ee. The main results indicate that, in general, the Russian-speaking audience has become over time more interested in consuming the content about the developments in Estonia, but these changes are significant only in several thematic groups and with a high probability are connected with the COVID-19.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs , Discourses of danger: Russian identity production in the Syrian conflict(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Metcalf, Kimberly I.; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThis Master’s thesis is a poststructuralist discourse analysis for a single case study and one event research problem. Drawing on an existing body of literature in the realm of discourse analysis, poststructuralism and securitization, I examine Russian official discourse to reveal the nexus between the internal and external security dimensions of Russian foreign policy as it relates to Russian domestic and foreign anxieties resulting in identifiable repetitious acts of identity production. This focus allows me to interrogate the discursive structures and to reveal the performative nature as seen through the continuous repetition of acts, which can be seen as articulations of antagonisms towards the ‘West’ and ‘terrorists’ in the Russian official discourse domestically and in the Syrian conflict. By linking together security, foreign policy and identity, a pattern of oscillating threat postulation is observed, initially, by other scholars in the early 2000s, and then through my case study. I see a re-emergence of a similar pattern of discourse repeating itself in the Syrian conflict. I examine the formal rhetoric of the Russian government in the context of the Syrian conflict through analysis of the official discourse, and secondary sources from professional analysts (academics, think tanks and other referent opinions). This research design follows the framework as explained by Lene Hansen which includes four significant components (1) number of selves (2) intertextual models, (3) temporal perspective and (4) number of events. (2006: 66) This is a single case study which covers one self–Russia. This research design includes one event, which is Russia’s foreign policy in the Syrian conflict. From the temporal perspective, I cover one event and two time periods (1) Construction of the ‘Threat of Chaos:’ as articulated in Post-Arab Spring Reflections 2011-2015 (2) Construction of the ‘Threat of Terrorism:’ Post-Russian Military Intervention Reflections 2015-2020.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs , Discovering connections between economic and political dependence in the context of Russia-Georgia economic relations(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Merebashvili, Lika; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThis Master’s thesis examines social dimension of the economic dependence and foreign policy compliance of Georgia to Russia in order to explain foreign policy choices of the governments of Georgia. According to the mainstream IPE scholarship, higher the economic dependence, more prone the dependent partner is to make political compromises for the benefit of the dominant. Though, this logic is not applicable to the case of the Georgia-Russia relations which is why economic nationalism - as the construction of set of discourses which define frame for the economic policy decisions - is brought into analysis to suggest better explanation of the connection between economic and political dependence. The 2003-2016 period is chosen as the time frame for the analysis where 2003-2007 and 2012-2016 years are analyzed with utmost scrutiny since they correspond to the periods when the governments of Georgia made contrasting policy actions towards relations with Russia: resisted to make compromises in the foreign policy when the economic dependence on Russia was high in 2006-2007 and turned to the concessions when the economic dependence was the lowest in the history of Russia-Georgia relations. The thesis elaborates a novel methodology combining the quantitative and qualitative techniques and finds that economic nationalism gives relevance to the economic dependence and triggers political concessions from the decision-makers.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs , Divergent understandings regarding the “strategic autonomy of the European Union”: a result of the plurality of strategic cultures among the member states(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Pals, Peeter; Linsenmaier, Thomas, juhendaja; Kuusik, Piret, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutIn the recent years, the strategic autonomy of the European Union (EU) has become one of the buzzwords when it comes to the defence cooperation of the EU. However, even though that all EU Member States have agreed with the goal in a way that it can be found in the strategic documents, such as the Global Strategy of the EU, in practice the Member States seem to have somewhat different positions and understandings regarding it when it comes to implementation, yet it has received little scholarly attention. This study aims to tackle this issue and sets out to first, provide empirical insights to map the different understandings in an empirically grounded way and second, explain the occurrence of such differences through the various elements of national strategic cultures. In order to explore this link between the understandings of strategic autonomy and the specifics of national strategic cultures, this study relies on data collected through a series of semi-structured interviews with the security specialists and government officials from five EU Member States that reflect the whole spectrum of Europeanist/Atlanticist divide among the Member States when it comes to strategic orientation. The findings of this thesis show that first, the understandings of strategic autonomy are indeed different among the Member States to a certain extent and second, the differences in understandings and concerns can indeed be explained through the plurality of strategic cultures among the EU Member States. However, adding more nuance to the existing literature highlighting the differences in understandings, this study finds that while there are certain differences in understandings, there are more differences when it comes to fears and concerns regarding the possible outcomes of the goal. While all elements of strategic culture reflect in the understandings of EU (or European) strategic autonomy in a certain way, then the major driver for the division among the Member States is the strategic orientation (Europeanist/Atlanticist divide).listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , listelement.badge.access-status Avatud juurdepääs , EU as normative power: case study of Transnistria(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Pavalache, Aliona; Vits, Kristel, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThe EU applies normative power to influence countries towards democratization process. The EU creates incentives and provides standards and norms for other countries and enhances commitment from the partner country. The tools that the EU uses are the political dialogue, the support of democracy and creation of incentives for democratic change. The aim of the thesis was to identify if and how does normative power Europe influence on the developments in Transnistria. The author first presented the framework for analysis, being the normative power Europe diffusion mechanisms, applied through the prism of the ENP and EaP. As a conclusion, procedural, transference diffusion and some elements of the cultural filter are present in the case of Transnistria and the EU has used strong financial, political, diplomatic as well as conditionality. This paper shows the way ENP uses its normative power and the way it is diffused using its mechanisms. A future suggestion is to have a revision on how the EU uses its power, its efficiency in order to keep continuity. The most significant forms of norm diffusion exerted by EU on Transnistria are the Transference and the Procedural diffusion. Given the findings stated above, it can be concluded that the EU did exert normative power over Transnistria, which played an important role in signing of the DCFTA, through the activity of EU organizations in the region. The norms diffused by the EU have been defined in line with Manner’s theories and democracy, rule of law and human rights - three of his stated “core norms” of the EU - have been chosen to delimit the thesis. Despite the difficult task of proving a direct causal link between the EU conditionality and the reforms made by Transnistria, the paper shows favorable effects that mostly represent a bottom-up approach with their effects to continue to appear in the long run. What is important to mention is that the changes take time to implement, and usually the effects are not visible at once as the EU is applying the small steps strategy. The EU power has been acknowledged cooperation is accepted. To summarize, even though the EU has a vast potential in Transnistria to produce change, it is increasingly having difficulty on its way, and the changes are produced at a slow pace and the effects are still expected to be produced. The main finding is that the normative power Europe works in the example of Transnistria, but in a more narrow way.