Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut

Selle valdkonna püsiv URIhttps://hdl.handle.net/10062/14984

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10 years of Nordic defence: the correlation between perception of threat and ambition for defence cooperation in the Nordic Council 2009-2018
(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Henell, Elis; Linsenmaier, Thomas, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Defence and security have during the last decade become an increasingly important part of the Nordic cooperation that traditionally has been defined mainly by the absence of these questions on the agenda. In my thesis I will look at ambition for Nordic defence cooperation and how the changed perception of Russia after 2014 has affected the ambition for it in the Nordic Council. Theoretically I rely on Stephen Walt’s Balance of Threat theory with the expectation that more perceived threat leads to more alignment. The choice of the neorealist approach is justified by first looking at the core of why nations align and then conceptualizing the Nordic cooperation in defence as a form of alignment. The empirical part of the research consists of a cross-temporal comparison of ambition for Nordic defence cooperation in the international debates of the annual sessions of the Nordic Council before (2009-2013) and after (2014-2018) the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014, which has been defined as a turning point in the Nordic and European security environment. This turn should imply a higher perception of threat in the debate. Using thematical grouping of the data I identify patterns that help me measure the correlation between perception of threat and ambition for Nordic defence cooperation in Nordic parliamentary cooperation. By observing the data, I show that the level of perceived threat for the period 2009-2013 is low and the ambition for regional defence cooperation is high, while the level of perceived threat 2014-2018 is high but the ambition for regional defence cooperation low. I also present other variables inductively drawn from the data that might explain the changes in the level of ambition better than the changed level of threat.
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2017 Catalan independence referendum: the projection of Russian strategic narratives by RT and Sputnik
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Voltri, Johannes; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Sazonov, Vladimir, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
During the recent years, Russia has been accused in meddling in the internal affairs of Western countries on several occasions. Claims of Russian information campaign have also surfaced related to the Catalan independence referendum, held on 1 October 2017. Although there have been some analyses the author is not aware of any wider academic research examining Russian information activity related to the referendum. The aim of the thesis was to identify the strategic narratives that Russia disseminated to the English-language audience in relation to the Catalan independence referendum, and connect them with broader Russian foreign policy interests. The author, inter alia, seek to ascertain why Russia was interested in Catalonia in the first place and how it is used various communicative tools to achieve its goals. The author set a hypothesis that Russia was taking advantage of the events in Catalonia to enfeeble the European Union. To test the hypothesis the author conducted a poststructuralist discourse analysis on the content of Sputnik and RT that was published between 1 September and 31 October 2017. Apart from the news articles, television coverage of RT was also analysed. The coverage was viewed through the prism of the strategic narratives theory by Miskimmon, O’Loughlin and Roselle in connexion with the discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe. The author ascertained that the tense and at times violent conflict in Catalonia gave Russia a pretext to amplify the tensions and direct the coverage towards the European Union. Russia first argued for the intervention of the EU to give the conflict an international dimension. As the EU remained a bystander, Russia actively projected an identity narrative of the EU as hypocritical and not living up to the democratic values it serves to epitomise. EU was shown in decay and in the process of disintegration with an intent to weaken the West’s hegemony and by doing this strive for a multilateral world order where the role of Russia would be increased. The hypothesis was thus confirmed. The work contributes to the wider efforts of elucidating the range and technique of Russian information activities and demonstrates that Russia has vested interest not only in its close neighbourhood but also further away where it is not and active player itself.
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A "new institutional" perspective on energy policy network formation: a case study of the Central and Eastern European Sustainable Energy Network
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Davidovi, Giorgi; Muhhina, Kristina, juhendaja; Pagan, Hector C., juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The research looked at the successful policy network formation process in new EU energy governance perspective and studied the CEESEN Central and Eastern European Sustainable Energy Network case. Thesis used “New Institutionalism” analytical framework to approach the successful network formation process. Thesis addressed the question of how meanings and purposes of EU new energy governance constrain and contribute to the successful emergence of policy networks in the case of the Central and Eastern European Sustainable Energy Network CEESEN. The study made tentative suggestion that the successful policy network formation happens by institutionalizing the structures of meanings via standardization, homogenization, and authorization of meanings in the case of CEESEN network. Qualitative Content Analysis was used to approach the date. Analysis consisted of 8 interviews with core and secondary network members, network materials and documentation, EU energy policy documents. Thesis brought a theoretical contribution to the institutionalization and network formation theory, provided a practical recommendation to the policy field and suggested further research avenues.
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A ‘Telegram Revolution’: the impact of digital authoritarianism on political mobilization in Belarus since the 2020 protests
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Van Hooft, Laura; Cheskin, Ammon, juhendaja; Zubek, Marcin, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Amid the surge of anti-regime protests in 2020 in Belarus, Telegram played an important role in protest mobilization and coordination, and drew widespread (academic) attention. However, existing literature focused merely on the active mobilization phase, leaving a void in understanding the platform’s evolution beyond 2020, particularly in the face of escalating authoritarian practices. The main aim of this research is to understand how this increased authoritarianism has impacted political mobilization efforts on Telegram in Belarus between August 2020 and September 2023. Based on semi-structured interviews with five administrators of Telegram channels, this thesis investigates how this increased repression has impacted activists and users’ online behavior on Telegram, and opportunities for political mobilization. Employing an inductive qualitative content analysis, this study reveals that over time, the regime’s legislative reforms, increased surveillance, repression and misinformation transformed Telegram’s role from a space for political mobilization and protest coordination, to predominantly a source to reach uncensored information. The participatory culture that previously characterized Telegram, and its status as a ‘free space’, have disappeared, challenging the optimistic perspectives prevalent in earlier literature. Even though the effects of the protests linger, the shrinking public space has led to depoliticization, diminishing prospects for political mobilization on Telegram in Belarus. Nevertheless, the online space remains comparatively more free than the offline space, remaining as the only possible trajectory for potential mobilization in the country.
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A (de)construction of normative power Europe: the case of military intervention in Libya
(Tartu Ülikool, 2013) Leek, Maria; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
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A comparative analysis of the effects of the Fukushima catastrophe on the EU states nuclear policies. The example of France and Germany
(Tartu Ülikool, 2013) Mändoja, Siim; Belyi, Andrei, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
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A comparison of the effect of Chinese and U.S. investment policies on rentier state functionality in Congo (DRC)
(Tartu Ülikool, 2025) Niitra, Solveig; Kursani, Shpend, juhendaja; Veski, Karin, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The shift from U.S. to Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) between 2013 and 2023 marked a critical turning point in the country's development outlook. By examining three distinct investment periods - pre-U.S. FDI, U.S. FDI, and the period of increased Chinese FDI - this thesis investigates how the DRC’s rentier state functionality evolved across political, societal, and economic dimensions. Using a comparative analysis of 15 V-Dem indicators, supported by complementary qualitative data, the study draws on rentier state theory to interpret measurable changes in governance and development outcomes. The results show that while U.S. investments coincided with modest improvements in institutional accountability and civic openness, Chinese investments, characterized by largescale, state-led infrastructure projects and a non-conditional approach, reinforced elite enrichment, weakened institutional constraints, and deepened the DRC’s dependence on its natural resources. This thesis highlights the importance of examining not only the presence of external rents within rentier states, but also the structure and conditionality of foreign investment in shaping rentier state trajectories. The findings contribute to a more nuanced understanding of how foreign economic engagement can either mitigate or exacerbate rentier dynamics, particularly in fragile, resource-rich countries like the DRC.
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A divided nation? Production and reproduction of national di/visions in Hungarian diaspora politics (2010–2019)
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Royer, Laura; Piirimäe, Eva, juhendaja; Kołodziej, Jacek, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Since the democratic transition in the early nineties, successive Hungarian governments have sought to engage and support the Hungarian diaspora outside the borders of the state. This commitment to creating a diaspora community tied to an imagined motherland can be conceptualised as diaspora politics. Whilst diaspora politics should be differentiated from what is often referred to as nationalist politics, they are always concerned with the place of the diaspora in relation to the nation. In that regard, it can be said that diaspora politics – and the actors taking part in them – play a role in processes of nation-production, insofar as they contribute to the conservation or modifications of the principles of visions and divisions of the national world. Although diaspora politics have been an important feature of Hungarian politics for almost thirty years, the establishment of a Fidesz-KDNP government in 2010 constitutes a key moment in the development of Hungarian diaspora politics. The new government seized the pre-existing diaspora political institutions and developed a wide range of new laws, programmes, and institutions representing the Hungarian diaspora as embedded into the wider Hungarian nation. Drawing upon Pierre Bourdieu’s key political concepts, this thesis inquires how Hungarian diaspora politics between 2010 and 2019 have contributed to the production and reproduction of Hungarian national di/visions. Through an analysis of major laws, documents, institutions, programmes, and publications related to Hungarian diaspora politics between 2010 and 2019, it is argued that the development of a new legal and institutional framework for Hungarian diaspora politics since 2010 has provided the means to produce, reproduce, and legitimate the integration and dissolution of the diaspora in a redefined Hungarian nation. Furthermore, taking as a case study the journal Minority Studies edited by the Research Institute for Hungarian Communities Abroad (NPKI) between 2013 and 2016, this thesis contends that this diaspora integration has taken place through the redefinition of the boundaries of the national world. Specifically, the production of a renewed Hungarian nation has been permitted by the representations of historical, cultural, and political principles of national di/visions.
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A functional perspective on post-communist civil society: contentious activities and internet activism in Latvia
(Tartu Ülikool, 2013) Drews, Wiebke; Pettai, Eva-Clarita, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Post-communist civil society is generally depicted to be rather weak. However, the existing academic literature is outdated and reveals conceptual issues. The incorporation of normative assumptions, focus on formal activities and establishment of universally applicable indicators has resulted in rigid operational concepts of civil society that do not sufficiently account for contentious activities and internet activism. Yet, these forms of public participation are becoming increasingly important. By adopting a functional perspective, this dissertation develops a revised operational concept of civil society that allows for assessing alternative forms of public participation in terms of their quantity and quality structure. The framework is applied to the case of Latvia, where quantitative aspects of contentious activities and internet activism as well as the quality structure of the online CSOs ManaBalss.lv and Politika.lv are investigated. The analysis yields remarkable results. Latvian civil society is not weak. The extent of both contentious activities and internet activism militate for a rather strong civil society in the country. However, the organizational infrastructure of ManaBalss.lv and Politika.lv shows that financial strains serve to illustrate huge constraints on the working capacities of the organizations and, thus, need to be addressed if civil society is to be maintained and further strengthened.
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A gender analysis of wartime action proposals in the case of Ukraine: discourse on existing speeches since the full-scale invasion
(Tartu Ülikool, 2025) Moorats, Kristel; Kursani, Shpend, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis examines the role of gender in shaping wartime action proposals offered in response to the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine. Grounded in feminist peace research and discourse analysis, the research investigates whether and how the wartime prescriptions articulated by male and female political actors and commentators differ across five countries: France, Germany, the United Kingdom, the United States, and Estonia. Drawing on speeches and public commentary from twenty individuals, equally divided by gender, the analysis identifies thematic binaries such as war prescriptions versus peace prescriptions, military versus non-military approaches, and justice versus human life valuations. The findings suggest that gender does influence discourse, with women more frequently emphasizing the broader consequences of war, such as human suffering and long-term social impacts, while men more often focus on strategic goals. However, this division is not absolute, and instances of similarities emerged across contexts. The research also situates its inquiry within the broader framework of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, which advocates for women’s meaningful inclusion in conflict and peace processes. Ultimately, the thesis argues for the necessity of integrating gendered perspectives into international relations and conflict resolution, not only as a matter of equity but as a pathway toward more comprehensive and sustainable peacebuilding efforts.
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‘A Horseshoe in Crisis’ - To what extent do German populist far-right and far-left parties converge in times of crises?
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Weber, Paro Olefile; Duro, Jozsef, juhendaja; Hardman, Helen, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
As the world began seeing light at the end of the tunnel with lockdowns ending and a global recovery in sight, Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022 catapulting the world into the next crisis sending shockwaves worldwide. The war crimes committed in Ukraine, have forced the European states to act internationally, as well as domestically. Considering the presence of such crises, this paper provides an insight into the strategies and policies national populist parties adopt. In doing so, this study focuses on the German populist far-right party AfD and populist far-left party Die Linke, comparatively measuring their agreement on a variety of policy topics surrounding the 2022 Ukraine War and comparing it to those of the Covid-19 pandemic crisis. A comprehensive theoretical framework discusses the main concepts, and the objectives of this study based on previous literature. The collected data consists of segments of parliamentary speeches members of the German parliament across 17 to 33 months. The methodology comprises of 3 instruments including a stance analysis of speech as primary method. The use of manifestos from the MARPOR database serve the measurement of the concept populism and an analysis of legislative roll call votes as an additional step to identify consistency between stances from speeches and stances from legislative voting. While this study expected causation between the presence of crises and populist party stance convergence, findings were limited to minor similarities, displaying insufficient convergence across both crises. The paper nonetheless contributes to a wider understanding of populism’s relationship to crises and the strategies it warrants for populist parties to employ in times of societal turmoil.
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A legitimate practice? How the United Nations justifies the use of private military and security companies
(Tartu Ülikool, 2023) Talve, Marleen; Linsenmaier, Thomas, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Private Military and Security companies (PMSCs) are important non-state actors with growing influence in international relations. In this paper, the legitimacy of the use of PMSCs is explored in the case of the United Nations (UN). Constructivist framework is employed to understand the legitimation of the use of PMSCs in contacts of international norms such as the antimercenary norm, states’ monopoly on violence and prohibition of use of force in international relations. Based on a search in the UN's official Document System and reports by the Working Group on the use of mercenaries, the UN officials have not given many norm-based explanations to their use of PMSCs and instead employ functional explanations while also framing the use as inevitable. Through the latter, the UN has managed to avoid the responsibility for making the decision of employing PMSCs and largely also the legitimacy of this use.
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A new generation in peacebuilding? A comparative study of the emergence of the hybrid peace
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Mõttus, Heidi; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Liberal peacebuilding continues to be the most dominant form of peacebuilding today. Yet, liberal peace practices have not always resulted in a sustainable peace and critical approaches to the liberal peace have emerged, which concentrate on how the liberal peace asserts itself in local contexts and how the emerging liberal-local interactions are able to transform the peace. One such concept is that of the hybrid peace, which combines liberal and emancipatory peacebuilding practices. While the concept of the hybrid peace is generally well understood, its theoretical framework is underdeveloped and although some scholars have suggested that the hybrid peace could be understood as a new generation in peacebuilding, conditions surrounding its emergence remain unclear. If the hybrid peace is to become a new generation in peacebuilding, greater clarity is needed for understanding whether it could be implemented from the outset in peacebuilding operations. This thesis seeks to enhance the current theoretical framework by suggesting a three-pillar model and a distinction between a more positive type of hybridity, the inclusive hybrid peace and a more negative exclusive hybrid peace. The three-pillar model is then used to comparatively analyse peace agreements and post-conflict peace processes in the case studies of Kosovo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Northern Ireland and Timor-Leste using indicators to measure the extent to which each pillar is represented in the documents. The findings suggest variance in the way in which the three pillars are represented in the case studies. The more adherence there is to the three pillars in the peace agreements as well as in implementation phases, the more likely inclusive hybrid peace becomes. Nevertheless, the findings also suggest that an inclusive hybrid peace is a difficult concept to implement, especially in violent ethnic conflicts that result in consociational power-sharing agreements, which tend to entrench ethnic divisions. A greater focus on bottom-up approaches in peacebuilding can foster reconciliation, especially at the grassroots level. However, at the level of implementation, the hybrid peace as a concept remains problematic.
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A new type of de‐democratisation: the influence of Covid‐19 pandemics on the democratic backsliding of Georgia
(Tartu Ülikool, 2023) Lepsveridze, Dachi; Orzechowska‐Wacławska, Joanna, juhendaja; Hardman, Helen, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis aims to study and analyse the dynamics of democratic backsliding in Georgia during the Covid‐19 pandemic in 2020 while focusing mainly on government activities and initiatives. Since 2012, when the Georgian Dream political party secured a sweeping victory in the Parliamentary Elections, Georgia had found herself on the track of democratic backsliding, which continued up to 2020, when the country was plunged into Covid‐19 management. Since the beginning of the Covid‐19 pandemic, the Georgian government has got access to excessive emergency power first by imposing the State of Emergency and then making some of the most controversial and anti‐constitutional amendments within the law, which included not only the amending the existing laws, but also introducing the regulations, decrees, and restrictions. To achieve this goal of the paper and answer the research question ‐ Has Covid‐19 accelerated the democratic backsliding process in Georgia in 2020, and how? – I will try to provide an empirical study analysing the pandemic‐related developments in Georgia in 2020. To reach the paper’s objectives, I will study and analyse the laws, regulations, decrees, and restrictions issued in connection with Covid‐19 management. First, I will provide the background context and the theoretical framework for the study. Then, the thesis will feature the methodological chapter, breaking down all the steps and methods I plan to employ. The final chapters will be dedicated to the empirical findings and conclusion.
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A normative assessment of the legal philosophy of the european union using the grundnorm theory of hans kelsen
(Tartu Ülikooli Euroopa Kolledž, 2014) Vern-Barnett, Adam; Laffranque, Julia, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Euroopa Kolledž
This thesis assesses the normative basis of the law of the European Union according to selected theories of legal and ethical philosophy. Firstly it employs the methodology of legal theorist Hans Kelsen, who envisioned a legal order as a hierarchy of norms with a central norm or Grundnorm at the peak of this hierarchy. Ten such norms are identified within the EU Treaties and related documents, and encompass values such as the ‘promotion of peace’, the ‘rule of law’ and ‘democracy’. However, an examination of the jurisprudential approach of the Court of Justice, which occupies a prominent place in the constitutional law of the EU legal order alongside the Treaties, suggests that the Grundnorm of the EU law is of a functional nature, and is chiefly concerned with the establishment and maintenance of the European Common Market. An assessment of this Grundnorm using the contrasting ethical theories of Kantianism and utilitarianism suggests that the legal philosophy of the European Union is thus consequentially ethical, as the European Common Market brings many benefits, but it is not primarily governed by the protection of deontological values, with these values consistently subordinated to the Common Market Grundnorm. It is then suggested that the functional basis of this Grundnorm will create problems for the ethical legitimacy of the EU legal order in the longer term; it has been constructed in this way by the Court of Justice due to the identity crisis of the Community as caused by the on-going democratic deficit. Thus an ideal Grundnorm for the EU legal system should have a core basis in ethical values, especially those relating to democracy, human rights and the rule of law.
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A poststructuralist approach to strategic culture: Estonia's strategic response to Russia's hybrid threat
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Punthong, Wasin; Linsenmaier, Thomas, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This research has investigated how the hegemonic articulation of Estonian strategic culture mediates its strategic response to Russian hybrid threat in the information sphere. The study employs poststructuralist discourse theory as an intellectual framework and examines Estonia’s strategic culture as a discursive context. Poststructuralist discourse analysis is utilised in the empirical analysis of Estonian strategic texts. The central argument of this study is that drawing on the privileged identity of Western democracy, the hegemonic articulation of Estonian strategic culture has rendered a cluster of security practices in response to Russian hybrid threat appropriate and “normal”, namely the establishment of ETV+, the authorisation of Sputnik operation in Estonia, the partnership between Tallinn Television and Pervõi Baltiski Channel, and the public debunking practices. At the same time, such a hegemonic articulation excludes the illiberal security practices from the strategic frontier, namely censorship, nationalisation of information sphere and crackdown on Russia’s media outlets in Estonia. Therefore, Estonia’s strategic culture has created conditions of possibility for the minimalist approach to strategic response to Russian hybrid threat in the information sphere. The existing minimal strategic response is sustained by the concept of media liberalism. At the same time, the challenging political force is trying to disrupt the hegemonic articulation by bringing into play the concept of media sovereignty. However, Estonia’s strong Western democratic identity has prevented the latter from gaining momentum.
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A powder keg once more?: Contemporary separatist movements in Bosnia & Herzegovina and how it may reshape the Western Balkans
(Tartu Ülikool, 2023) MacBride, Cameron Baillie; Repovac-Nikšić, Valida, juhendaja; Kursani, Shpend, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The aim of this thesis project was to analyse views held by political representatives from select nations on contemporary issues affecting Bosnia and Herzegovina. Therefore, the key focus of this thesis was on the pressing issue of the potential secession of the Republika Srpska entity from Bosnia and Herzegovina. Other factors such as political representation, foreign interference, and the standing of Bosnia and Herzegovina as part of the international community, were brought in and analysed to examine how these issues may be affecting the potential for Republika Srpska secession. As part of this, qualitative data was gathered through an interview process, within which 9 interviews took place between March-May 2023 across Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, and Serbia. The final analysis of gathered responses highlighted clear disagreement along ethnic lines on not only the potential, but feasibility of an eventual secession attempt being attempted by the current Republika Srpska administration. Furthermore, disagreement was found between different ethnic groups on the role of foreign actors and the international community within Bosnia and Herzegovina. More specifically, different groups viewed international actors, namely Russia and Turkey, in various ways, with some seeing them as their people’s closest ally, and some, their greatest hindrance to development. However, most interviewees from all backgrounds agreed on the need for stronger integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina into the international community, namely implementing political reforms in order to eventually attain membership of the European Union.
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A radical left party? The ideology of SYRIZA
(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Siniloo, Gert; Kilp, Alar, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The purpose of this paper was to find out the ideological stance of the Greek ruling party SYRIZA in comparison to socialism and social democracy. This comparison was used to determine whether the possible radicalness of SYRIZA lies in the party’s rejection of the politics of austerity or are there features in SYRIZA’s ideology which make the party substantially extreme left. The hypothesis formulated at the beginning of this thesis suggested that compared to socialism and social democracy, SYRIZA’s ideological stance is not radical – if anything, the radicalness of the party is expressed in its opposition to austerity politics. In my view, this hypothesis proved to be correct and thus the ideological closeness of SYRIZA to classical leftist ideologies was confirmed. The essence of SYRIZA’s positions and proposals are found in Table 1 which plainly demonstrates the party’s socialist and social democratic roots. Thus, the central conclusion of this paper is that ideologically, SYRIZA is not a radical party. True, it uses Marxist rhetoric, is anti-elite and severely criticises neoliberalism, but it is not seeking to stage a revolution to abolish the capitalist system. The party’s proposed measures regarding social welfare, equality, reforms in the public sector or sustainable development are not essentially radical. If anything, the radicalness of SYRIZA lies in the party’s opposition to the politics of austerity. One dimension missing from this paper is SYRIZA’s use of populism. The way the party deploys populist rhetoric and to what extent is definitely a possible topic for future research. Another fascinating option would be to compare SYRIZA to the anti-austerity movements and parties in other countries, some of which were mentioned in the discussion part of this paper.
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A radical right lived ideology: an in-depth case study of the ideology of Sinine Äratus
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Jezierska, Isabel Mari; Piirimäe, Eva, juhendaja; Wierenga, Louis John, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis answered the research question “What is the nature and what are the core features of the ideology of Sinine Äratus?”. The decision to investigate the ideology of Sinine Äratus, a radical right youth organisation associated with the radical right Conservative People’s Party of Estonia, is multifaceted. Firstly, it serves as a compelling case for exploring the ideology of a radical right youth organisation, offering a rich source of information. Additionally, Sinine Äratus is situated in Eastern Europe, has global affiliations with other radical right organisations and activists, and has the potential to influence its mother party. To answer the research question, the author used dual-method approach. First, through theory-driven content analysis, the author demonstrated that the ideology of Sinine Äratus encompasses three key characteristics of radical right ideology: authoritarianism, anti-democracy, and nationalism, as defined by Elisabeth Carter. This confirmed that Sinine Äratus indeed is a radical right ideology. Second, the author employed data-driven qualitative content analysis along with morphological analysis to delve into the concepts, arguments connecting these concepts, and the underlying values that constitute the ideology of Sinine Äratus. The identified concepts were categorised into three themes: ethnonationalism, national independence, and environment. Using two different methods for studying the ideology of Sinine Äratus not only allowed the author to reconstruct the ideology of Sinine Äratus from two different perspectives but also allowed the author to demonstrate what researchers would fail to capture if they were to just use one method for studying an organisation’s ideology.
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A small state utilising its niche capability for influence in foreign and security policy: the case of Estonia and cyber security
(Tartu Ülikool, 2015) Rõigas, Henry; McNamara, Eoin Micheál, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut

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