Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
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Item 10 years of Nordic defence: the correlation between perception of threat and ambition for defence cooperation in the Nordic Council 2009-2018(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Henell, Elis; Linsenmaier, Thomas, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutDefence and security have during the last decade become an increasingly important part of the Nordic cooperation that traditionally has been defined mainly by the absence of these questions on the agenda. In my thesis I will look at ambition for Nordic defence cooperation and how the changed perception of Russia after 2014 has affected the ambition for it in the Nordic Council. Theoretically I rely on Stephen Walt’s Balance of Threat theory with the expectation that more perceived threat leads to more alignment. The choice of the neorealist approach is justified by first looking at the core of why nations align and then conceptualizing the Nordic cooperation in defence as a form of alignment. The empirical part of the research consists of a cross-temporal comparison of ambition for Nordic defence cooperation in the international debates of the annual sessions of the Nordic Council before (2009-2013) and after (2014-2018) the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014, which has been defined as a turning point in the Nordic and European security environment. This turn should imply a higher perception of threat in the debate. Using thematical grouping of the data I identify patterns that help me measure the correlation between perception of threat and ambition for Nordic defence cooperation in Nordic parliamentary cooperation. By observing the data, I show that the level of perceived threat for the period 2009-2013 is low and the ambition for regional defence cooperation is high, while the level of perceived threat 2014-2018 is high but the ambition for regional defence cooperation low. I also present other variables inductively drawn from the data that might explain the changes in the level of ambition better than the changed level of threat.Item 2017 Catalan independence referendum: the projection of Russian strategic narratives by RT and Sputnik(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Voltri, Johannes; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Sazonov, Vladimir, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutDuring the recent years, Russia has been accused in meddling in the internal affairs of Western countries on several occasions. Claims of Russian information campaign have also surfaced related to the Catalan independence referendum, held on 1 October 2017. Although there have been some analyses the author is not aware of any wider academic research examining Russian information activity related to the referendum. The aim of the thesis was to identify the strategic narratives that Russia disseminated to the English-language audience in relation to the Catalan independence referendum, and connect them with broader Russian foreign policy interests. The author, inter alia, seek to ascertain why Russia was interested in Catalonia in the first place and how it is used various communicative tools to achieve its goals. The author set a hypothesis that Russia was taking advantage of the events in Catalonia to enfeeble the European Union. To test the hypothesis the author conducted a poststructuralist discourse analysis on the content of Sputnik and RT that was published between 1 September and 31 October 2017. Apart from the news articles, television coverage of RT was also analysed. The coverage was viewed through the prism of the strategic narratives theory by Miskimmon, O’Loughlin and Roselle in connexion with the discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe. The author ascertained that the tense and at times violent conflict in Catalonia gave Russia a pretext to amplify the tensions and direct the coverage towards the European Union. Russia first argued for the intervention of the EU to give the conflict an international dimension. As the EU remained a bystander, Russia actively projected an identity narrative of the EU as hypocritical and not living up to the democratic values it serves to epitomise. EU was shown in decay and in the process of disintegration with an intent to weaken the West’s hegemony and by doing this strive for a multilateral world order where the role of Russia would be increased. The hypothesis was thus confirmed. The work contributes to the wider efforts of elucidating the range and technique of Russian information activities and demonstrates that Russia has vested interest not only in its close neighbourhood but also further away where it is not and active player itself.Item Aafrika Liidu ebaefektiivsus ja toimimine kohalike konfliktide lahendamisel: Darfuri ja Somaalia konfliktide näide(Tartu Ülikool, 2014) Välja, Roland; Toomla, Raul, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituutKokkuvõtvalt tuleb tõdeda, et käesolevas töös sai kinnitust fakt, et Aafrika Liit on suhteliselt ebaefektiivne rahvusvaheline organisatsioon ega suuda loodetud kujul mustal mandril asetleidvatesse konfliktidesse panustada. Põhjustena saab välja tuua aga küllaltki palju aspekte. Aafrika Liidu ebaedu põhjuseid konfliktide lahendamisel sai hinnatud läbi erinevate konfliktidesse sekkumise võimaluste. Iga tülisse sekkumise etapp – vahendus (sh sõnavõtt), sanktsioonid ja sõjaline interventsioon (sh humanitaarinterventsioonid) eeldavad teatud kriteeriumite täitmist selleks, et sekkumine oleks edukas. Nagu järelduste peatükist välja tuleb, siis neid kriteeriume suudetakse täita vaid poolikult ning tihti jääb mulje, justkui eelistatakse sõjalist sekkumist püüetele asju rahumeelselt lahendada. Tegelikkuses on aga rahumeelsed sekkumisviisid teooria kohaselt efektiivsemad. Lisaks efektiivsuskriteeriumidele konflikti sekkumise viiside osas tuli töö käigus välja ka tõsiasi, et Aafrikas aset leidvad tõsised probleemid nagu vaesus, HIV, AIDS, näljahädad, kodusõjad ja korruptsioon on asetanud riikide fookuse võrreldes läänelikke väärtusi kandvate riikidega hoopiski teise kohta. Kuna Aafrika Liidu liikmetel on nii palju siseriiklike probleeme, siis pigem keskendutakse nende lahendamisele ning primaarsemad teemad rahvusvahelisest julgeolekust ongi ilmselt need, mis puudutavad rahva ellujäämist, toiduvajaduste rahuldamist jms. Siiski on selge, et sealsetes riikides toimuvad kodusõjad ja hulgaliselt inimohvreid nõudvad kokkupõrked tuleb lahendada, kuid seda ei saa oodata Aafrika ühiskonnalt endalt. Vaja on läänelike organisatsioonide senisest otsustavamat sekkumist ning ehk oleks hea kui vastutust ei üritataks delegeerida ainult sealsetele organisatsioonidele. Selleks, et seda teha, peab Aafrika oma arengus läänemaailmale järgi jõudma. Alles siis saame seal toimuvat hinnata läbi oma vaateprisma.Item Aafrika Liidu saavutused vastutus kaitsta põhimõtte rakendamisel(Tartu Ülikool, 2014) Jugaste, Liis; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituutKäesoleva magistritöö keskseks teemaks on vastutus kaitsta põhimõte. See on printsiip, mille kohaselt on esmane inimõiguste kaitsja riigis selle valitsus, mille tegevusetuse ning suutmatuse korral liigub vastutus edasi rahvusvahelisele kogukonnale. Kuna vastutus kaitsta põhimõtte rakendamiseks rahvusvahelise kogukonna poolt kasutatakse humanitaarset interventsiooni, rikutakse sellega teisi rahvusvahelise õiguse norme nagu suveräänsuse austamise põhimõte ning relvajõu kasutamise keeld. Tulenevalt asjaolust, et suveräänsuse austamise põhimõte ning relvajõu kasutamise keeld on ülemaailmse rahu huvides väga olulised printsiibid, võib vastutus kaitsta põhimõtte rakendamist nimetada pigem erandiks kui reegliks. Seetõttu on oluline uurida, kuivõrd edukad on olnud humanitaarsed interventsioonid vastutus kaitsta põhimõtte elluviimisel. Magistritöö keskendub Aafrika Liidu võimekusele tagada inimõiguste kaitse Aafrika mandril, sest Ühinenud Rahvaste Organisatsioon, kes on esmane rahvusvahelise tasandi inimõiguste kaitsja, on tihtipeale võimetu sekkuma katastroofilistesse inimõiguste rikkumistesse antud piirkonnas. Aafrika Liidu saavutuste hindamiseks keskendub magistritöö organisatsiooni poole läbi viidud missioonidele Burundis, Darfuris, Somaalias ja Komoori saartel. Juhtumite võrdluse eesmärgiks on hinnata Aafrika Liidu sekkumise kiirust, missioonile seatud eesmärkide täituvust ja nendeni jõudmise kiirust ning panust olukorra lõplikku lahendamisesse. Juhtumianalüüside põhjal võib järeldada, et Aafrika Liit on iseseisvalt võimeline sekkuma otsustavalt vaid lihtsamatesse konfliktidesse, nagu seda näitavad interventsioonid Burundisse ja Komoori saartele. Aafrika Liidu missioonid on edutud siis, kui konflikt piirkonnas on laiahaardelisem ning agressiivsem, sest organisatsioonil on raskusi piisava suurusega vägede kokkusaamisega, samuti on probleeme missiooni rahastamise ning organisatoorse poolega. Kuna Aafrika Liidu sekkumised humanitaarkatastroofidesse on tihtipeale kasutud, peaks Aafrika Liit panustama rohkem rahu ja julgeoleku arhitektuurina väljatöötatud mehhanismi käimasaamisesse.Item Äärmuslikud vaated vasak-parem skaalal ja poliitiline osalemine Euroopa Sotsiaaluuringu küsitluse põhjal(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Tomson, Age; Mölder, Martin, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituutThe aim of the analysis „Political Participation and Placement on Left-Right Scale based on European Social Survey Data“ is to describe the relation between political participation and political views on left-right scale. Socio-economical variables are also added to demonstrate their influence on the previously mentioned relation. Political participation is often understood and analyzed in terms of voting behavior. In this paper broader definition of participation is used. Political participation is an attempt of an individual or a group to influence the process of political decision-making. Taken from the European Social Survey 2011, three possibilities of political participation are considered: singing petition, participating lawful public demonstration and working in another organization. To view political views of individuals, their self-placement on left-right scale is used. At the beginning of this paper I constructed an argument based on theories of Robert E. Lane, David O. Sears and Giovanni Sartori about extreme views and political participation. I claim that people with extreme views tend to be politically more active than people with moderate political views. This claim did not get asserted in this paper. It came out that only people with left-extreme views are politically more active than moderates and right-wing extremists in general are not. The only exception occurred in working in another organization where in some cases there were more active participants among right-wing extremists than among people with moderate views. Higher level of education influenced participation as theory suggested. Participation level was higher among people with 15 years and more education than people with less education. Influence was similar inside all political viewgroups: left-wing extremist, moderates and right-wing extremists as well. Theory also suggests that people with higher level of household income participate more. It also got confirmed as participation rates gradually rise when family income increases. When considering the age of the most active participation, it should be middle age, somewhere between forties and fifties. Current analysis confirms that and shows that people who participate are on an average younger than people who have not participated in last 12 months in specific form of political participation. When looking data about states separately, the main trend is that citizens of European Union old memberstates participate more than people from new memberstates. In addition, in countries where the participation rates are high in general, participation rates of left-wing extremists are extremely high. On the other hand when looking into an example of working in other organizations, participation rate among people who consider themselves right-wing extremists is quite high when compared to signing petitions and attending demonstrations.Item Across the “curtain” and within the “bloc” – political opinion of Maoist parties and organizations in Central and East Europe from the perspective of international politics(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Xu, Risheng; Zoltán, Balázs, juhendaja; Unkovski-Korica, Vladimir, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThis thesis explores the political opinion of Maoist parties and organizations in Central and East Europe. As an important topic in the field of Cold War studies, considerable amounts of research on the global Maoism and Maoist movement are concentrated on the developed world of the West and the vast developing world of Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Yet for the Central and East Europe at the frontier of the Cold War confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union, Maoist movement of this region has been little studied comparatively. The recent years witnessed the gradual growth of related studies about the Maoist movement in Central and East Europe, but most of the limited literature mainly tried to outline the major historical timeline of the Maoist movement or to give overview about the lives of specific leaders of the CEE Maoist group but lacks deeper analysis of their organizational documents concerning their political programme and opinion as organized group. The thesis tries to focus on Maoist political parties and organizations emerged within the Eastern Bloc and make a detailed analysis of their crucial document defining the core proposition of their organizations with special attention to the substance of their theoretical principle and claiming proposal in the replenishment of factual outline from existing literature. By examining the global and regional geopolitical environments, combined with a closer look from international and domestic level at the selected key documents of the CEE Maoist organizations with common theme defining their political identity and proposition, it is an attempt trying to contribute a little bit in pushing from “Was it (Maoism) there?” towards deeper and closer inspection at “Why and What were they (Maoist) struggling (for) there?”Item “Acts of translation”: travelling postmemory of the holocaust in Ukraine(Tartu Ülikool, 2023) Perkis, Amy; Kowalski, Krzysztof, juhendaja; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThis dissertation utilises the concepts of travelling memory and postmemory to analyse three 21st century narratives of the Holocaust in Ukraine by members of the Ukrainian Jewish diaspora: Jonathan Safran Foer’s novel Everything is Illuminated (2002), Katja Petrowskaja’s literary memoir Vielleicht Esther: Geschichten (Maybe Esther: Histories) and Dash Art’s performance piece Songs for Babyn Yar (2020-2022). Literature and fictional media have been seen as important containers of historical memory by scholars such as Marianne Hirsch, whose concept of ‘postmemory’ emphasises the role of imaginative investment in processing the traumatic memories of previous generations. This dissertation links postmemory with Astrid Erll’s ‘travelling memory’, unpacking how the chosen works use physical and metaphorical travel to process family histories of the Holocaust in Ukraine. Across three vectors of analysis, Travels through Space, Travels through Time and Travels across Traumatic Borders, I examine the complex process of accessing cross-border and multi-lingual histories, showing how travel forms part of a wider process of ‘working through’ and opens up possibilities for imaginative time travel or the creative remixing of difficult histories. With the ‘Holocaust by Bullets’ still relatively marginalised within both Ukrainian memory and global Holocaust narratives, I also argue that these creative works provide models for subverting paradigms of competitive memory and incorporating the Holocaust in Ukraine within European and trans-Atlantic Holocaust narratives.Item Adaptation of diplomacy to the digital age case studies: the USA, Israel and Russia(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Pashayeva, Zumrud; McNamara, Eoin Micheál, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThe purpose of this research is to study the transformations in the nature of diplomacy in order to adapt new age. The research investigates the distinct form of diplomacy identified by the changes result of technological development and compares the views on this type of diplomacy. It attempts to explain the phenomenon from a broad perspective, while more elaborating its communication aspect. The principal mission of the thesis is to find a more relevant explanation for what purpose the states have begun to apply digitalization in diplomatic activities and how it affects diplomatic rhetoric. With help of the comparative case study involving three countries, the United States, Israel, and the Russian Federation, the study provides an understanding of the motivation of these countries in employing of digital instruments in diplomacy. Along with that, it investigates the status of digital diplomacy at the policy level in these countries.Item The adaptation of discourses on nuclear energy in times of crisis(Tartu Ülikool, 2023) Pritchard, Thomas Luke; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThe following research seeks to answer the question, how did the discourse surrounding nuclear energy adapt to account for the multiple crises present in 2022? To gain an answer to this question, a comparative study of the US and the UK is conducted, and their discourses over the course of January to October 2022 are analysed. This is done via a study of five mainstream media outlets within each state, using a critical discourse analysis (CDA) theory and methodology. Additionally, a conceptualisation of a crisis as an event which generates a dislocation in the hegemonic articulation of nuclear energy, that was previously dominant, is utilised. In a situation where multiple crises are present the different articulations have one crisis placed at the centre as the primary source of dislocation, and thus, as the crisis which a hegemonic articulation should address. In both the US and the UK, prior to the presence of multiple crises in 2022, there was a hegemonic articulation of nuclear energy, which passively supported it, but did not invest much into it and was allowing it to slowly decline. Through implementing a two-level CDA approach to the discourse in both states, first at the level of the text and then at the level of the ideologies these texts are part of, the new articulations can be accounted for. Over the course of 2022 it can be seen that in the US three new articulations emerge, two of these centre the climate crisis as the primary source of dislocation, ‘Nuclear Energy Against the Environment’ and ‘Nuclear Energy for the Environment’. The other centres the security crisis, ‘Nuclear Energy for Security’. In the UK four distinct articulations emerge, with two that centre the economic crisis as the primary source of dislocation, ‘Nuclear Energy for the Economy’ and ‘Nuclear Energy Against the Economy’. The other two centre the climate crisis, ‘Nuclear Energy for the Environment’ and ‘Nuclear Energy Against the Environment’. Finally, following the CDA framework, the second level of analysis is utilised to highlight the broad ideologies each articulation is factored into, which construct a reality that conveys the articulation as the most suited to take on the role of hegemonic articulation.Item Against the thallasocracy: fascism and traditionalism in Alexander Dugin’s neo-Eurasianist philosophy(Tartu Ülikool, 2015) Rushbrook, Jonathan; Blobaum, Robert, juhendaja; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituutThis thesis discusses the ideological makeup of the Russian right wing philosopher Alexander Dugin. Tracing Dugin’s ideological influences from early Eurasianism, the European New Right and esoteric religious beliefs such as Perennial Traditionalism, the thesis then goes on to place Dugin’s body of thought within a larger debate on defining fascism and whether Dugin can be considered a fascist. The thesis emphasizes that Dugin’s Neo-Eurasianist imperial project disqualifies him from any typical fascist taxonomy. Instead, Neo- Eurasianism represents a genuinely unique strain of extreme right wing thought that, though shares many similarities with historic fascism, nonetheless cannot be considered fascist due to Dugin’s profoundly anti-modern vision and the supranational emphasis of his imperial objectives in which Russia plays a major role - but a role that places the Russian nation in a greater cultural, geographical, and civilizational identity. Ultimately this thesis contests some scholars’ interpretations of Dugin’s worldview as a fundamentally ethnocentric or even racist Russian nationalism. Rather, this thesis argues that Dugin holds a fundamentally religious understanding of reality that sees nations as manifestations of a spiritual, rather than a biological, essence. Thus it precludes Dugin from any purely biological racism. à la National Socialism.Item Agent and structure: a neoclassical realist approach to the Second Karabakh War(Tartu Ülikool, 2023) Castro Nogueira, Larissa de; Pavlenishvili, Nino, juhendaja; Kentros Klyszcz, Ivan Ulises, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutItem Ajalooliselt rõhutud põlisrahvaste suhtes rakendatud heastamispoliitikad: Austraalia aborigeenide näitel(Tartu Ülikool, 2015) Vatsar, Eike Maria; Pettai, Vello, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituutItem Ajateenijate aktiivse kaitsetahte kasvatamine kaitseväeteenistuses(Tartu Ülikool, 2023) Herman, Minna-Liisa; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutSõda Ukrainas on muutunud globaalset julgeolekukorda kardinaalselt. Olenemata Ukraina armee edusammudest, tähendab 2023. aastal imperialistliku agressorriigi naabriks olemine Eestile taasiseseisvumise aja kõige ärevamat julgeolekukriisi. Riigis, mille armee on üles ehitatud kodanike osalusele relvajõududes, on iga kaitsemüüris seisva inimese kaitsetahe ülioluline kaitsevõime komponent. Käesolev bakalaureusetöö heidab pilgu perioodil 2021–2022 ajateenistust läbinud reservväelaste ajateenistuskogemusele, et uurida nende hinnangut oma kaitsetahtele ja seda kujundavatest teguritest. Antud töö kontekstis vaadatakse kaitsetahet kui indiviidi positiivset hoiakut sõjalise kaitse suhtes, mis väljendub soovis panustada ise vastavalt oma võimetele koduriigi kaitsmisesse. Seejuures pööratakse uurimistöös fookus just ajateenistuse ja 24. veebruaril 2022. aastal täiemahuliselt puhkenud Ukraina sõja mõjule nende isikliku kaitsetahte kujunemises. Uurimistöö eesmärk on tulemustele põhinedes töötada välja soovitused selleks, kuidas saaks kaitsevägi kui üks Eesti riigikaitse tugisammas kasvatada ajateenijate kui tulevaste reservväelaste ja seeläbi Eesti põhilise sõjalise jõu aktiivset kaitsetahet ehk valmisolekut kaitsetegevuses osaleda. Selle eesmärgi täitmiseks kasutati kvalitatiivset meetodit, mille raames viidi läbi kakskümmend pool-struktureeritud intervjuud neljas erinevas väeosas aegateeninud reservväelasega. Töö tulemusena leiti, et ajateenijad hindavad oma soovi panustada Eesti kaitsmisesse pigem kõrgeks ning selle hinnangu kujunemisel mängis väga olulist rolli Ukraina sõda, mille täiemahuline puhkemine jäi intervjueeritavate teenistusperioodi sisse. Selle tulemusel tugevnes ajateenijate militaaridentiteet, kasvas usk Eesti kaitsevõimesse ja paranes ohu tunnetamine. Uurimistööst selgus, et iseäranis Ukraina sõja konteksti ja mõjusid arvesse võttes hindasid värsked reservväelased oluliseks ajateenistuse rolli nende isikliku kaitsetahte kujunemisel.Item Alliance durability and intra-alliance security dilemma: a case study of the U.S.-Japan alliance in the light of rising China(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Pachomcik, Oksana; McNamara, Eoin Micheál, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutIn recent years, the East-Asian security order has been witnessing a number of disturbances stemming from increased assertiveness of regional security actors, such as North Korea and, to a lesser extent, China. More specifically, the escalation of tensions between China and Japan over the disputed Senkaku/Diaoyu islands has called into question the very viability of the U.S. “hub and spoke” alliance system in the region, with the 60 year old U.S.-Japan alliance at its core. As a relic of bipolar Cold War great power competition, today the alliance faces increasingly complex and uncertain security environment, which effectively challenges the very foundations of the widely celebrated trustworthiness and durability of the security ties between the two nations. Against this background, the thesis conducts a thorough examination of a salient episode, which has occurred and subsequently disturbed the established modes of operation within the U.S.-Japan alliance. In particular, the overarching aim of the study is: a) to uncover and assess the effect exerted by the intensification of an external threat (China) on the severity of intra-alliance security dilemma, with an eroding balance in entrapment-abandonment fears among the allies; b) how this phenomenon have manifested itself throughout the course of the Senkaku contingency; and c) what the identified anxiety-driven processes hold for the enduring quality of the U.S.-Japanese security cooperation. Grounded in theoretical expectations largely derived from the realist school of thought, the paper concludes that, chiefly consistent with realist thinking, the Senkaku crisis and the respective behaviour of allies does point to: 1) the upsurge of intra-alliance security dilemma; 2) the importance of fluctuations in triangular Sino-American-Japanese relationship for the magnitude of abandonment anxiety experienced by the weakest pole in the triangle (Japan); 3) the mitigating role of institutionalization on alliance ties plagued by twin abandonment-entrapment anxieties. Yet, the paper also discovers, contrary to Morrow’s (1991) expectations, the preservation of asymmetrical nature of the alliance, as reflected in high degrees of weaker ally’s direct dependence, in all likelihood, would be detrimental to alliance durability, due to the importance attached to acquired reputations for reliability in the minds of state leaders. Hence, it becomes evident that phenomena such as sustained alliance durability and intensity of intra-alliance security dilemma cannot be fully captured by one all-encompassing realist approach; instead, any future inquiries into the topic of alliance durability would significantly benefit from a harmonious merging of insights from different schools of thought.Item Ameerika Ühendriikide ja Hiina Rahvavabariigi vastastikuste kaubandussidemete mõju poliitilisele koostööle(Tartu Ülikool, 2017) Alev, Rain; Toomla, Raul, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutKäesolevas uurimuses analüüsib autor Ameerika Ühendriikide ja Hiina Rahvavabariigi vastastikuse kaubanduse mõju poliitilisele koostööle. Uurimus lähtub vastastikuse sõltuvuse teooriast ning jaguneb nelja peatükki. Uurimuse esimeses pooles annab autor ülevaate vastastikuse sõltuvuse teooriast ning teises pooles tutvustab kasutatavat meetodit ning analüüsib kaubandussidemete mõju Ameerika Ühendriikide ja Hiina Rahvavabariigi poliitilisele koostööle. Selgitamaks välja kaubandussidemete mõju poliitilisele koostööle, vaatleb autor kahe riigi kaubandussidemeid aastail 2001-2013 ning võrdleb neid ÜRO Peaassamblee hääletustulemustes kajastuva Lijpharti indeksiga, mis väljendab poliitilist koostööd. Kaubandusnäitajatest on vaatluse all nii kahepoolse kaubanduse maht USA dollarites kui ka kahepoolse kaubanduse osakaal mõlema riigi kaubandusest. Analüüsi käigus selgus, et kahepoolse kaubanduse osakaalu mõlema riigi kaubandusest ning Lijpharti indeksi vahel esineb mõningal määral korrelatsiooni, mille põhjal võib järeldada, et kaubandussidemed omavad mõju poliitilisele koostööle. Märksõnad: USA, Hiina, kaubandus, rahvusvahelised suhted, Lijpharti indeks, ÜRO, Peaassamblee, vastastikune sõltuvus.Item Ametlik riigiideoloogia parteide tegevuses Türgi kemalismi näitel(Tartu Ülikool, 2013) Laur, Merlin; Kilp, Alar, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituutItem Analysing the Korean diaspora: a case study of Koryo-saram and Sakhalin Koreans(Tartu Ülikool, 2022) Jung, Hyogyeong; Banaszkiewicz, Magdalena, juhendaja; Unkovski-Korica, Vladimir, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutKoryo-saram and Sakhalin Koreans are ethnic Koreans living in the post-Soviet countries. This paper tries to clarify the terminology regarding these ethnic Koreans in the post-Soviet countries through the diaspora theory, and analyze them further with the concept of the ‘Korean diaspora’ and ‘the place of diaspora’. The research took Small-N comparison and case study method by reviewing Korean, Russian, and English literature. By analysing the Soviet Korean diaspora through ‘homeland-host country-international society’ framework with political, economic and social aspects, ‘the place of diaspora’ is visualised.Item An analysis of the effects of the financial crisis on the performance of eurosceptic parties in national elections(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Rätsep, Martin; Ehin, Piret, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutItem Analysis of two models of secondary education delivery and their impact on Roma integration in Slovakia(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Lencsésová, Klaudia; Muhhina, Kristina, juhendaja; Petsinis, Vassilis, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThe submitted research project is focused on the analysis of two models of secondary education delivery and their impact on socio-cultural integration of Roma students in Slovakia. To improve the educational situation of Roma minority in Slovakia, several measures and strategies have been implemented by public authorities. The most current national strategy is based on the establishment of so-called elocated branches of public secondary schools that are detached schools situated near marginalized Roma communities. Their aim is to make an easier access to secondary education for Roma students as they are located in the place of Roma residence. However, along with a publicly-led model of secondary education delivery, several private providers have also decided to improve the educational situation of Roma minority. These private providers have set up private secondary schools, which call for the creation of a more inclusive curriculum and learning process compared to mainstream secondary schools. The main aim of this research is to compare and contrast how these two models of secondary education delivery impact on Roma socio-cultural integration as this aspect has not been analysed yet. The study contributes to fill the research gap in understanding of how two different secondary education delivery models, which have been established with the aim to educate Roma, influence their social and cultural integration within the learning process and a broader social community as well. Additionally, the research findings may have useful applications in other countries facing the similar educational issues related to Roma minority.Item Analysis of usage of public sector e-services in the EU: case study of Estonia(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Õnnik, Indrek; Solvak, Mihkel, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutIn a situation where the world is moving towards digitalization and automation of e-services it is vital for service providers to maintain a competitive edge and utilize the full benefits of the circumstances. Much like to the private sector, also the public sector service providers need to think how to engage more individuals and get them to use their services in a more efficient way. For that reason more and more e-services provided by the public sector are designed and created. However, that is only the first step of the challenge and the real difficulties start when these service providers try to get individuals to use those services. Similarly the European Union has a challenge in front of it where more and more Member States are moving towards digital solutions, but face the challenge of engaging their citizens. In addition there is an uneven situation across the European Union as some Member States struggle more and seem to be falling behind. In this research paper, a more in depth analysis is being carried out on the real factors that influence individuals to be more engaged in using e-services provided by the public sector. In order to determine what these influencers are, a theoretical background is set in the first part of the paper. In that part, it is discussed, relying on theoretical data as well as official documents published by various institutions of the European Union, what is perceived to affect the decisions of individuals as well as how the impact is distributed between them. As a result of that, a closer look is taken upon trust, access, digital skills, and knowledge of verification methods as well as socio-demographic circumstances like age, gender and education. In the second part of the research paper, a logistic regression analysis is carried out to measure the impact of and statistical significance of those variables in a situation where the dependent variable is usage of a specific e-service provided by the public sector. In the context of this research paper, the focus is on internet based voting in Estonia as it is a public sector e-service, which because of its nature and significance, requires presumably a higher level of trust and capabilities of individuals The results are discussed after the analysis is carried out and ideas for further development as well as limitations of the research are evaluated.