PRG1052 - National identity and Estonian-Russian relations: a longitudinal study of elite and mass discourses

Selle kollektsiooni püsiv URIhttps://hdl.handle.net/10062/108183

PRG1052 kodulehekülg.

The complex relationship between Russia and the Baltic states, with a particular focus on Estonia, serves as a critical case study for constructivist theories in International Relations. Existing scholarship has convincingly demonstrated that patterns of conflict and intermittent cooperation are fundamentally shaped by the intricate dynamics of national identity formation. While previous research predominantly examined elite-level identity discourses, this innovative project develops comprehensive interpretivist datasets that capture broader societal narratives. As part of the global 'Making Identity Count' network—which has traditionally concentrated on great powers—this research uniquely contributes Estonian data and expands the existing database on Russia. Through a nuanced comparative analysis of national identities across historical periods, the project team aims to uncover the precise conditions under which popular perceptions of national identity can substantially influence foreign policy decisions. The resulting insights hold significant potential for strategic policy planning and sophisticated risk assessment in international relations.

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Making Identity Count: Estonia 2000
(2025) Kilp, Alar
This report analyses the discursive construction of Estonian national identity in the year 2000, drawing from both elite and mass perspectives. While shared ideals – such as cultural heritage, state sovereignty, responsible governance, and social cohesion – formed common ground, crucial divergences emerged. Elite discourse emphasised patriotism, national culture, and modernisation, whereas popular narratives were more ambivalent, particularly towards nationalism and the political elite. National identity was framed through historical continuity, cultural institutions, language preservation, and symbolic markers such as the national currency (the kroon). Integration debates centred on concerns regarding the Russophone minority and the impact of EU accession on sovereignty and agriculture. Northern Europe, especially Finland and Sweden, was viewed as a normative reference. The legacy of the Soviet Union, imperial Russia, and Baltic Germans remained central to historical self-understanding. The Estonian language, education, and moral values were seen as essential to continued national survival. Overall, identity discourse revealed a dual dynamic: on the one hand, a forward-looking aspiration to become a typical meritocratic, neoliberal market-state; on the other, lingering anxieties tied to the hardships of economic transition, Estonian emigration to the West, persistent poverty, and growing societal insecurity.
Making Identity Count: Estonia 2020
(2025) Mölder, Martin
The year 2020 in Estonian politics and society, like elsewhere around the world, was dominated by the COVID crisis, which, especially during the spring and autumn of the year, set the tone for much of public debate. The domestic political situation was fraught with diverse issues as the governmental coalition was struggling with public/elite opposition to the Estonian Conservative People’s Party (EKRE), a populist party that was included in the governing coalition following the 2019 elections. Concurrently, Estonia achieved a foreign policy milestone, serving a term as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council. In the context of the COVID crisis, Estonia’s economy did see a 2.5% downturn (Bank of Estonia 2025), but, overall, the government handled the crisis well as the following years demonstrated Estonia’s swift recovery from the effects of the pandemic. The current report examines the construction of Estonian national identity in 2020. Drawing from a dataset of 2294 coded references to aspects of what constitutes being Estonian from political speeches, newspapers, letters to editors, films, novels, and history textbooks, the analysis reveals a public sphere characterized by distinct patterns of discourse distribution: elite sources monopolize discussions of politics, international relations, and formal national identity construction with predominantly positive valences while mass sources set the tone for this discourse around social structure, gender roles, and everyday life experiences with more critical and ambivalent emotional tones. The context of the pandemic provides a unique lens for examining how crisis conditions define discursive divisions, with elite sources framing government responses positively while mass discourse, conversely, expresses more scepticism and criticism. The analysis identifies five major thematic clusters – Politics/Economy, Social Structure, Estonianness, Historical Others, and Significant Others. The categories Education and Estonian language emerge as rare points of convergence between elite and mass discourse.
Making Identity Count: Estonia 2010
(2025) Kilp, Alar
In 2010, Estonia’s national identity was framed around cultural nationalism and a sense of indigenous independence, embraced by both elites and the broader population. Widespread disillusionment with the political elite was evident, alongside a shared demand for better social welfare and reduced regional inequality. Value debates largely reflected consensus between elites and the public. Both groups supported issues like environmental sustainability but remained divided or uncertain on conservatism and traditional gender roles. An elite-led identity project emphasized economic development, austerity as a marker of effective governance, and digital modernization, culminating in Estonia’s adoption of the euro in January 2011. In contrast, popular discourse focused more on Estonian language, the presence of Russians in Estonia, poverty, inequality, and skepticism toward the market economy. “Significant Others” included the West and the EU—favored more by elites—as well as the Soviet Union and Russia, generally viewed in a negative light. However, the Soviet era was occasionally credited for high living standards and conservative values, while historical Russia was sometimes viewed as supportive of Estonian national aspirations.
Estonian Russophone Identity in 2020
(2025) Nurseitova, Aigerim
In 2020, the dominant narrative surrounding identity is one of Social Reinvention. Russophones in Estonia shaped their identity in relation to the Soviet past, Estonians, Russians from Russia, and Westerners as Others. There remains a desire to improve economic conditions, which were further exacerbated by the pandemic. The development of Estonian Russophone identity is largely driven by cultural evolution, a factor highly valued within the minority. While concerns persist about the potential loss of Russophone cultural space built over the years, there is an acknowledgement that integration through learning the Estonian language can improve living standards for future generations. Still, there is a strong desire to preserve Russian schools in Estonia, as they remain a vital symbol of Russophone identity, reinforcing cultural and linguistic bonds within the minority. This report begins by outlining the chosen sources, followed by an in-depth examination of the identity categories identified during data analysis, emphasizing the key discourses found in the selected texts.
Estonian Russophone Identity in 2010
(2025) Nurseitova, Aigerim
In 2010, the dominant identity discourse among Russophones in Estonia centered around con-structing a distinct identity from their significant Others while consequently battling socio-economic inequality. Estonian Russophones did not perceive themselves as belonging anywhere. Instead, Estonian Russophone identity construction unfolded through cultural development that differentiated them from their significant Others. Aspirations for political representation and improvement of Russophones economic conditions remain salient, particularly due to financial crises of the time and perceived socio-economic exclusion. This report will begin with the de-scription of the selected sources, continue into the detailed description of the identity categories retrieved during the data analysis, highlighting the dominant discourses presented in the selected texts.
Estonian Russophone Identity in 2000
(2023) Nurseitova, Aigerim
In 2000, the dominant identity discourse among Estonian Russophones remained centred on the search for an identity of Self, independent of significant Others yet preserving elements of both. Although Estonia’s aspiration to join the Western structures was seen positively by Estonian Russophones, they felt uneasy about Estonian government policies that severed economic and cultural ties with Russia and framed the Russian language and culture as threats to Estonian nationhood. Russophones hoped that EU accession would compel the Estonian authorities to abandon the laws and policies they perceived as discriminatory. In their search for identity, Russophones struggled to locate a unifying factor beyond their attachment to both the Estonian land and the Russian language and culture. While the goal of fostering a united Estonian Russophone community was shared by both elites and the masses, elite actors failed to coordinate their actions, leading to the proliferation of political groups and factions that discouraged mass political participation.
Making Identity Count: Estonia 1990
(2025) Kilp, Alar
In 1990, Estonian national identity strongly centered on independence, unity, and cultural heritage, with cultural symbols like national literature, holidays, and traditions playing a critical role. While independence was the primary goal, uncertainty persisted due to divisions among the political establishment, fears of being a small state dominated by great powers, and differing views between the Congress of Estonia and the Supreme Soviet regarding the path forward. The public admired both national traditions and Western culture but criticized ineffective governance amid a deepening economic crisis, rising crime, and social inequality. The Soviet Union was overwhelmingly viewed in negative terms for its role in occupation, repression, and environmental damage. While some nostalgia for the stagnation era remained, aspirations for national independence were underpinned by a strong anti-colonial sentiment, as the Soviet Union was portrayed as a colonial occupier. Russian speakers in Estonia had not yet formed a distinct social or political identity, as they were largely identified with the Soviet regime, its institutions (such as the Soviet army), or pro-Soviet movements like the Intermovement.
Estonian Russophone Identity in 1990
(2024) Nurseitova, Aigerim
In 1990, the dominant identity discourse among Russophones in Estonia focused on rethinking their Soviet past amid an uncertain present. This is the time of reflection on how the Soviet Union affected people living in Estonia, both positively and negatively, over the past 50 years, all while Estonia was striving for independence. Once a majority, Russophones struggled to define their identity in a period of change; were they Soviet Estonians or Estonian Russophones? Many had a tough time accepting their new minority status and the re-independence of Estonia due to the socio-economic inequalities and the resurgence of nationalism that accompanied it. Nevertheless, Estonian independence viewed positively, as it was imagined as a time of positive change when Estonians and Russophones could be equals, working together for a democratic and just future.
Estonian Russophone Identity in 1995
(2023) Nurseitova, Aigerim
In 1995, following the dissolution of the Soviet Union and Estonia regained independence, the dominant identity discourse among Estonian Russophones centred on the question of belonging. The earlier adoption of citizenship laws and the beginning of the negotiations for Estonia’s accession to the European Union have also led local Russophones to contest the Estonian authorities’ decisions regarding ethnic minorities. Those decisions were viewed as discriminatory against minority rights. While Estonia’s trajectory towards (re-)building the state was supported by many, and Estonian Russophones expressed loyalty to the country and Estonian nationhood, the creation of a nation-state where ethnic Estonians enjoyed more privileges than non-Estonians was contested. The main challenge was seen as the lack of unity both among Estonian Russophones themselves and between Estonian Russophones and Estonian elites. In their competing discourses, Estonian Russophones sought to position their identity in relation to, and articulate their perspective on, the Estonian national identity.
Making Identity Count: Estonia 1995
(2025) Kilp, Alar
In 1995, hegemonic identity discourses were centred on the market economy and nationalism. Neoliberal market hegemony was primarily (re)produced by elites and remained unchallenged by popular discourses, which generally took market reasoning and meritocratic justice for granted. Instead, public concerns focused on increasing social status stratification and the welfare state, with democracy often assessed on the basis of socio-economic outcomes rather than formal parliamentary institutions and being identified more strongly than the elite with traditions, conservative values and rural life. Nationalism functioned as a true ‘collective identity’, shared and positively valued by both elites and the masses. In particular, ethnic and cultural nationalism served as a filter through which contemporary and past periods of independence, as well as the most relevant historic Others (Imperial Russia and Baltic Germans), were evaluated.

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