Трансформация марийской религиозной традиции в постсоветский период
Date
2017-10-10
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Abstract
Animistliku religioosse kultuuri eksisteerimine 21. sajandil näitab mütoloogilise maailmapildi püsimist tänapäevases ühiskonnas. Teostatud uurimus tõestab, et mari usutraditsioonides on säilinud seos traditsioonilise maailmapildi ja rituaalse praktikaga, mis võimaldab kasutada mari religiooni etnilise identiteedi ühe koostisosana.
Ühiskondliku arengu murranguhetkedel lülitatakse etniline usund vaimse praktikana ühiskondlik-poliitilise arengu voogu ja see tugevdab usku ideeliselt rahvusliku taassünni protsessis. Mari religioosne traditsioon täidab jätkuvalt rolli rahva identiteedi ülesehitamise toena ja rahvuslik omapära jääb seotuks vaimse kultuuri väärtustega. Tänapäeval ilmneb mari religioosne liikumine eelkõige Mari traditsioonilise religiooni “Mari kumaltõš” (MTR) organisatsiooni tegevuse kaudu. Organisatsiooni juhid mõjutavad mari religioosse traditsiooni kontseptsiooni arengut. Ajakirjandusliku kajastuse kontekstis esinevad palvuste korraldajatena mari usu kogukonnad ja ühendusse kuuluvad ohvripapid.
Uurimistöö algfaasis esitasin hüpoteesi, et mari religioosne traditsioon on otseselt sõltuv regiooni poliitilisest ja ühiskondlikust olukorrast. Eeldasin, et hooajaliste ja olmerituaalide traditsioon kaotab ajapikku väärtust tänapäevase külaühiskonna jaoks. Osalusvaatluse meetodi rakendamine võimaldas tuvastada mari usuliikumise teise osapoole – animistlike palvuste elava traditsiooni. Ekspeditsioonidel kogutud materiaali analüseerimine näitab, et kohalikud palvetamise praktikad jäävad konservatiivsemaks, järgides patriarhaalsemaid traditsioone. Liikumise üksikute liidrite poliitika või sotsiaalse keskkonna tingimused (nagu usuvastane propaganda või “paganliku taassünni” lained) loomuliku külaanimismi kihistust oluliselt ei mõjuta. Samas tuleb tunnistada, et välised asjaolud siiski mõjutavad kaudselt animistlikku maailmataju ja rituaalset praktikat. Muutused külaanimismi arengus toimuvad sõltuvalt tavade järgijate maailmavaatest, sest usulised ettekujutused arenevad ümbritseva tegelikkuse tingimustes. Praeguseks hetkeks on need tingimused määratud polükonfessionaalse multikultuurilise keskkonna, spetsiifilise poliitilise süsteemi, sotsiaalsete ja ökoloogiliste probleemide, linnastumise ja üldise globaliseerumisprotsessi poolt.
The existence of an animistic religious culture in the 21st century is an indication of the preservation of the mythological worldview in modern society. The fieldwork conducted for this thesis shows that Mari belief has maintaind its connection with the Mari ethinic worldview and with Mari ritual practices. The research proves that the Mari faith maintains a connection between ethnic outlook and ritual practice. Therefore, it is possible to see the Mari religion as one of the components of Mari ethnic identity. At a turning point in social development, ethnic religion can become part of the socio-political development and ideological reinforcement that occurs during, for example, the national revival process in 1990-s. Today, the Mari religious movement is manifest through the activities of the formalised Mari Traditional Religion (MTR), especially through the work of the Mari Kumaltysh. The leaders of this organisation influence changes in the concept of Mari religious tradition. In the context of media coverage, Mari faith communities and those priests who are members of the association are presented as the initiators of common prayer ceremonies. At the start of my research I hypothesized that the Mari religious tradition is directly dependent on the political and social situation in the region. I assumed that the tradition of seasonal and everyday customs would lose value for modern rural society. The use of participant observation allowed me to discover the second component of the Mari religious movement: the fact that it is a living animistic worship tradition. The analysis of the fieldwork material shows that local prayer practices remain more conservative, and that more patriarchal traditions are observed. The policies adopted by individual leaders of the movement, or circumstances such as anti-religious propaganda or the recent ‘pagan renaissance’ do not influence the layer of natural rural animism. However, external factors indirectly affect both animistic worldview and rituals. Changes in rural animism occur depending on followers’ perceptions of the practice, as in general man’s spiritual worldview develops in relation to the surrounding realities. This reality is currently being determined by the polyconfessional multicultural environment, the specific political system, social and ecological problems, and the processes of urbanisation and globalisation.
The existence of an animistic religious culture in the 21st century is an indication of the preservation of the mythological worldview in modern society. The fieldwork conducted for this thesis shows that Mari belief has maintaind its connection with the Mari ethinic worldview and with Mari ritual practices. The research proves that the Mari faith maintains a connection between ethnic outlook and ritual practice. Therefore, it is possible to see the Mari religion as one of the components of Mari ethnic identity. At a turning point in social development, ethnic religion can become part of the socio-political development and ideological reinforcement that occurs during, for example, the national revival process in 1990-s. Today, the Mari religious movement is manifest through the activities of the formalised Mari Traditional Religion (MTR), especially through the work of the Mari Kumaltysh. The leaders of this organisation influence changes in the concept of Mari religious tradition. In the context of media coverage, Mari faith communities and those priests who are members of the association are presented as the initiators of common prayer ceremonies. At the start of my research I hypothesized that the Mari religious tradition is directly dependent on the political and social situation in the region. I assumed that the tradition of seasonal and everyday customs would lose value for modern rural society. The use of participant observation allowed me to discover the second component of the Mari religious movement: the fact that it is a living animistic worship tradition. The analysis of the fieldwork material shows that local prayer practices remain more conservative, and that more patriarchal traditions are observed. The policies adopted by individual leaders of the movement, or circumstances such as anti-religious propaganda or the recent ‘pagan renaissance’ do not influence the layer of natural rural animism. However, external factors indirectly affect both animistic worldview and rituals. Changes in rural animism occur depending on followers’ perceptions of the practice, as in general man’s spiritual worldview develops in relation to the surrounding realities. This reality is currently being determined by the polyconfessional multicultural environment, the specific political system, social and ecological problems, and the processes of urbanisation and globalisation.
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Keywords
mari, etnilised usundid, rahvausundid, uskumused, animism, usundilugu, marid, religioossus, rahvuslik identiteet, usuliikumised, rahvakombed, 1990-ndad, 21. saj. algus, Mari, ethnic religions, folk beliefs, beliefs, history of religions, Mari people, religiosity, national identity, religious movements, folk customs, 1990s, beginning of the 21st century