National preferences in the European Union's policy-making for relations with third countries: case study of China's One Belt, One Road initiative
Date
2018
Authors
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Publisher
Tartu Ülikool
Abstract
This thesis analyses the role of national preferences in the European Union’s
(hereinafter “EU”) policy-making for relations with third countries. Although policymaking
in the EU itself is a topic which has been thoroughly assessed by academic
research through more than half a century, only a limited amount of attention has been
turned to the specific question of policy-making for EU’s policy relations with third
countries. The said topic is of importance, as in light of the additional competences
granted to the Maastricht Treaty and the Lisbon Treaty, and in light of the ongoing process
of globalisation, the EU has obtained a very important role in representing its Member
States in relations with third countries.
The thesis analyses the topic at hand through the example of one of the most prominent
ongoing economic initiatives, China’s “One Belt, One Road” (hereinafter “OBOR”)
initiative. More specifically, the thesis analyses the national preferences of three EU
Member States, France, Germany and Poland, in relation to OBOR and the EU’s policy
in relation to OBOR, to ascertain how the national preferences of those three countries
are represented by EU’s policy, how the EU tackles conflicting national preferences and
how does the role of national preferences in policy-making for relations with third
countries differs from the role of national preferences in policy-making for different
matters. Results show that national preferences do play an important role in the
development of EU’s policy for relations with third countries. The analysis further shows
that in case of conflicting national preferences, certain national preferences may be cast
aside upon the formulation of EU’s policy, which may result in the relevant Member State
disregarding the EU’s policy and trying to represent its national preferences either
bilaterally or through another framework. Lastly, the analysis shows that there are
differences in the role of national preferences in EU’s policy-making for relations with
third countries, in comparison of the role of national preferences in policy-making
concerning other matters. In case of relations with other countries, Member States engage
in less interstate bargaining and in case of conflicting national preferences, seek other
ways to represent their preferences.