Rahvusvaheliste suhete ja regiooni uuringute õppekava magistritööd – Master´s theses

Selle kollektsiooni püsiv URIhttps://hdl.handle.net/10062/56853

Sirvi

Nüüd näidatakse 1 - 20 174

To deter or not to deter? Understanding the A7 & NATO’s choice for deterrence in the Arctic
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Padrón Salinas, Belén; Linsenmaier, Thomas, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Deterrence is is a strategy aimed at preventing adversaries from taking unwanted actions by threatening credible consequences. This security practice is well-rehearsed by NATO, but conducting deterrence in the Arctic’s international waters presents a series of questions regarding rational calculations that makes this choice puzzling. This thesis examines the logic behind choosing deterrence in the Arctic post-2022, amidst rising tensions between NATO and Russia, exploring the ritual features of NATO's deterrent discourse. Through Mälksoo’s ritual approach and conducting Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), the thesis scrutinises the A7 and NATO’s deterrence discourse, particularly focusing on speech acts and their role in generating ontological security and identity. The analysis intersects the ritual approach with critical studies to reveal ritual-like features in NATO's deterrence discourse, characterised by ambiguity, repetition, the underscore of symbolic values, and a lack of specific delineation of red-lines and interests. The thesis concludes that the choice of deterrence in the Arctic post-2022 can be explained to the extent that ritual discourse produces ontological security. Ritual deterrence discourse is pivotal in addressing ontological insecurity among Arctic nations, fostering stability and identity alignment within the alliance, and reinforcing the identity of the A7 by aligning with NATO’s stance. This study emphasises the necessity for clearer messaging, defining specific target audiences and adversaries, and establishing explicit boundaries to mitigate ambiguity. Furthermore, future research should explore the interplay between physical security concerns and deterrence strategies, offering insights into reflexive decision-making and alternative approaches to security challenges.
Geopolitical considerations of Brazil in the Amazon
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Williams, Benjamin; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis provides a look into the world of Brazilian geopolitical reasoning and its themes through a lens of critical geopolitics. Using content analysis through theoretically informed coding of textual material to deconstruct the meanings, the relevance of geopolitical reasoning can be exposed, and thereby signify the importance of Amazon for Brazil. The thesis compares two different periods in Brazilian History, the period of 1964-1985 and 1985-2023. The first case represents the period of military dictatorship and the second, a return to democracy. An overview of how Brazil had historically given meaning to the Amazonian space is given which is then followed by an analysis of speeches from first or dictatorship period. Historically the meaning was driven by an understanding of geopolitical thought coming mainly from Rudolf Kjellen, Fredrich Ratzel, and Halford Mackinder. Organic State theory and the idea of a South American Heartland were very influential. An impetus for this development was an unevenly populated and developed country. Resource exploitation, territorial claims, security threats, and economic development are themes prevalent during the dictatorship. Moving into the modern period there is a shift toward themes of economic development based on human rights and environmental security concerns along with an increase in declaring to other nations that Brazil has sovereignty over the Amazon. Though the shift doesn’t happen to the exclusion of resource exploitation or security threats. However, the justification changes. The shift in language from more classical geopolitical thought to more social and environmental themes indicates the significance of geopolitical reasoning in Brazil.
The visual biopolitics of Mariupol: a comparative analysis of Russian and Ukrainian visuals on Telegram
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Wenk, John; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
How does pro-Russian and pro-Ukrainian visual media construct different regimes of visibility through depictions of Mariupol? Visuals play an increasingly important role in how people communicate and generate discourse, especially in conflicts, but the role of visuals in international relations remains understudied. This thesis expands the understanding of this connection by using visual discourse analysis with a biopolitical focus to analyze 20 pictures to analyze this phenomenon in the context of Russia’s occupation of Mariupol. The photos analyzed come from the competing Telegram channels of the current pro-Russian Mariupol City Administration and the exiled pro-Ukrainian Mariupol City Council. This thesis finds that the two channels construct radically different regimes of visibility with their respective pictures by emphasizing different political themes and through how they frame the relationship of Mariupol’s citizens with Russia and Ukraine. The pro-Russian pictures emphasize Mariupol’s unity with Russia and have characteristics of biopolitical paternalism, while the pro-Ukrainian pictures focus on remembrance of Russian crimes and build a negative and necropolitical perspective of Russia’s occupation of Mariupol. These findings provide insight into the important ways that visuals can generate their own discourse which either supports or undermines different authorities and narratives. The process used here can be expanded with a larger sample size for a more comprehensive analysis, or it can be applied to other conflicts, such as between Israel and Palestine, to uncover and analyze visual sources of political meaning which may be missed when using other methods.
Narratives of Ukrainian diaspora mobilization in Canada: a discourse analysis
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Hryha, Ivan; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The largest Ukrainian diaspora is in Canada, however, after the start of massive Russian aggression in 2022, the figures for Canadian assistance to Ukraine cannot compete even with the five countries supplying assistance to Ukraine in the current situation. It is still unclear why the potential opportunity to influence Canada’s domestic and foreign policy was lost on the part of the Ukrainian diaspora, but in this thesis, we will look at how the mobilization of the Ukrainian diaspora took place in the light of unfavorable events in their native state. The purpose of this study is to find out how the Ukrainian diaspora mobilized its supporters in the period from 2014 to 2022. This study conducts a critical discourse analysis of the narratives that shaped the discourse of the presidents of the Ukrainian Canadian Congress and contributed to the mobilization of the Ukrainian diaspora in Canada. The thesis analyzes text and video reports of the presidents of the Ukrainian Canadian Congress and focuses on 3 narratives: “Struggle for Freedom and Dignity” narrative, “Holodomor and Canada's First National Internment Operations” narrative, and “Ethnic and Organizational Cohesion” narrative. Thus, during the period under study, the participants of the Ukrainian Canadian Congress mainly used the “Struggle for freedom and dignity” narrative and the “Ethnic and organizational cohesion” narrative; they can rightfully be considered the dominant and formative narratives for the mobilization of the Ukrainian diaspora. The “Holodomor and Canada's First National Internment Operations” narrative was practically not used in the discourse to mobilize diaspora supporters.
From Russia, with love (and other values): a social constructivist evaluation of Russian public international diplomacy as a tool of soft power in Brazil between 2003 and 2014
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Fudala, Adam; Pavlova, Elena, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The thesis examined the concept of Russian soft power in South America, with a particular focus being placed on the image and narrative projected via state documents between 2003 and 2014. In spite of the dominance of Western influence over both the theoretical and empirical concept of soft power, Russia has managed to establish a narrative foothold within like-minded states through ideological and diplomatic efforts in geographically distant states such as Brazil. The study supports the ongoing academic trends of a more critical approach towards soft power by focusing on novel aspects of research such as but not limited to (I) centring the experiences of the receiving state of the soft power, (II) evaluating the success of soft power practises on the basis of change within the receiving state; and (III) referencing the conservative soft power potential, critical to the original conception of Nye. The work builds on the works of Keating and Kaczmarska as well as Jane Bially, filling in the lacuna of both empirical and theoretical knowledge with regard to Russian soft power in South America. Utilising qualitative discourse analysis of key Russian statecraft actors and official documents, the thesis uncovers the elements of Russian soft power that resonate most with Brazil. The findings highlight the role of anti-Western sentiment, the pursuit of global influence, shared values, and strong leadership in Russia’s soft power strategy.
Engaged, yet unofficial? Patterns of engagement without recognition of EU member states with the Republic of Kosovo (2008–2024)
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Poure, Joris Charlie; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Kosovo’s relationship with the European Union and its desire for membership is one of its most defining characteristics, shaping both domestic and foreign policy. Brussels expresses a duality, being both one of Pristina’s closest allies but also counting among its member states five countries which do not recognise Kosovar independence from Serbia following its 2008 unilateral declaration of independence. Still, EU states and Kosovo are in contact, as displayed by the 2024 visa liberalisation regime with Pristina. At a time where de facto states play a large in shaping the European geopolitics (as displayed by Russia’s recognition of the Georgian and Ukrainian de facto states, near instantly followed by invasions of their neighbours’ territory under international law), our assumption is that such entities need to be studied with attention; Kosovo in particular, as its existence is both a topic of contention at EU level and has been used by a belligerent Moscow as a precedent justifying their actions abroad . This thesis aims to study why non-recognisers (of which were retained three as case studies divided in two groups: Cyprus, Greece, and Spain) have refused to recognise Kosovo since 2008, and how (if they do) do they engage with Pristina and its nationals. For hard non-recognisers, we found political engagement to be limited but not null for both Cyprus and Spain, the former surprising by displaying remarkably high economic engagement levels, and non-recognition being based on fears of precedent setting for secessionism at home justified under the guise of morals, international law, and friendship with Serbia. For our soft-recogniser case Greece, we found expectations-exceeding levels of diplomatic engagement with Kosovo bilaterally and at EU level, the states’ relation being similar to that of two confirmed states. Non-recognition here is found to be due to diplomatic relations with both historical ally Serbia and kin state Cyprus.
Sentiments and statecraft: a longitudinal analysis of UK-Russia relations from 2010 to 2023
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Sadra, Navdeep; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Britain’s foreign policy in recent years has come to be dominated by discussions about Russia. Many decisions are made and framed with this nation in mind, whether over international or domestic security. Despite the attention given by policymakers, there is no prevailing narrative for how the recent period of Tory governance has led to this outcome. The aim of this study is thus to provide a comprehensive overview of UK-Russia relations from the British perspective, covering 2010 to 2023. It follows the shifts in attitudes due to changes in UK Prime Ministers and events. The research shows that the sentiment score has generally fallen from the highs of the early 2010s under David Cameron and is much lower now in the 2020s under Rishi Sunak. Driving these changes are critical junctures, with the most detrimental to relations being the 2022 full-scale invasion. This incident shows that international affairs are, so far, more important for relations than bilateral incidents, like the Salisbury case. Another takeaway is that changes in Prime Minister did shift sentiment significantly, with populists like Boris Johnson showing greater extremes in their attitudes towards Russia than technocrats like Theresa May. These findings are pivotal in understanding the future of British foreign policy in that relations with Russia will depend more on the outcome of these international issues and the character of the Prime Minister. However, at present, projecting the results from this research forward, it appears that relations will remain strained, if not worsen, for the foreseeable future.
Questioning territorial autonomy: failed attempts to institute the Association/Community of Serb Municipalities in Kosovo
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Pajuste, Anna; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis analyses the official statements of Kosovo, Serbia and the EU and examines how the issue of territorial autonomy for minorities, more precisely the Association/Community of Serb Municipalities has been approached during the most active episodes of debate over 10 years. The focus is on the two research questions: Why has the Association of Serb majority municipalities not been formally established in Kosovo? and How do Serbia, Kosovo and the EU articulate their positions around the Association? The thesis is designed as a process-tracing single case study focusing on three different episodes in the Brussels Dialogue during which the debate of the ASM has been especially prevalent: The Brussels Agreement (01.06.2012-01.06.2013), the Second Agreement (01.01.2015-31.12.2015) and the Ohrid Agreement (01.11.2022-01.11.2023). Qualitative Content Analysis is applied to analyse the official statements of all three actors across the episodes. Over the more than 10 years of negotiations in the Brussels Dialogue, Kosovo and Serbia expressed considerable incompatibilities in their arguments related to the ASM, which had to do with the extent of powers it should hold, the legal obligation to implement it, its compatibility with Kosovo’s constitution and the effect it would have on the security situation in Kosovo. Furthermore, the thesis shows how the EU went from being a normative mediator to taking a tougher stance on the issue, gathering resentment from Serbia and Kosovo.
Nordic-Baltic cooperation from Baltic perspective in the changing security environment
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Nagy, Anna Lúcia; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The objective of the present research was to explore the role of Nordic-Baltic regional cooperation in the foreign policy strategies of the Baltic states. The changing political and security environment since February 2022 gave the Nordic-Baltic region a new relevance. To see how the external changes impacted Nordic-Baltic cooperation, Baltic foreign policy leaders’ perceptions about their country’s position in international relations were analysed. The analysis has used key concepts of constructivist and role theory to analyse motivations behind the foreign policy behaviour of a state. In the qualitative document analysis, the central elements of Baltic foreign policy leaders’ perceptions about their countries’ position and attitudes to regional cooperation were compared in a ten-year period. The analysis has shown a clear increase in Nordic-Baltic regional cooperation in the past two years, the support for Ukraine being a new focus of cooperation. Nevertheless, there are still considerable differences regarding the role of regional cooperation in the Baltic foreign policy agendas. Estonia is the most committed to the Nordic-Baltic cooperation while Lithuania appears to be the least interested in the Nordic-Baltic region. Differences in the communication of foreign policy leaders suggest that divergent perceptions and attitudes of individual policymakers affect the future perspectives of Nordic-Baltic cooperation.
Quietly postcolonial: the impact of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine on curation strategies in Estonia
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Ballance, Cosima; Gibson, Catherine, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
It is widely understood that moments of great geopolitical change have a profound impact on the manufacture and treatment of the past. Russia’s 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine has not only revealed the politicisation and weaponisation of history and memory, but also prompted more intensive discussions among scholars and politicians about the application of postcolonial perspectives and methods in the states with an entangled history with Russia. Two years on from the onset of the full-scale conflict, this thesis seeks to examine whether postcolonial approaches have also had a wider impact on national narratives, as reflected in museum design and curation strategies. By utilising a single-case study of Estonian National Museum/Eesti Rahva Muuseum (ERM) and combining ethnographic observational analysis and five expert interviews with museum workers, this thesis analyses the state of Estonian national memory in the year 2024. Whereas most previous studies on memory and postcolonialism in the Baltic states have been confined to the twentieth century, this thesis broadens these empirics and utilises a longue durée approach to Estonia’s national master narrative in order to show the interconnectedness of the different layers of Estonia’s past, rather than treating its different elements in isolation. The findings revealed that, in contrast to the wake-up call that much of academia has experienced, ERM has rather been operating in a “quietly postcolonial” manner for some time, suggesting that this public-facing institution has been ahead of much of academia and political discourse.
Justifying war: Russian federal subjects as an intermediary, 2022–2024
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Liles, Carl; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Ventsel, Andreas, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
How do the heads of Russian federal subjects justify the invasion of Ukraine and its consequences to their constituents? This thesis studies how the regional governments of the Russian Federation justify the consequences of the full-scale invasion of Ukraine to their constituents in the period of February 2022 to February 2024. In the advent of the decision of the Russian federal government to commit to a full-scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24 2022, and the then subsequent partial mobilization on September 21 2022, the regional governments have found themselves in increasingly difficult circumstances when balancing the demands of the federal center with those of the general populace. In a system of authoritarian federalism where almost all of the governors owe their positions to President Vladimir Putin, yet are also obliged to sufficiently meet the needs of their constituents lest they be removed or lose in the next election, Russia’s governors must placate the demands of the federal government for material assistance, soldiers, and political support while continuing to provide essential services to a majority of the general population who are either disinterested in contributing to the war effort, or are opposed to the war. To understand how Russia’s governors navigate these opposing interests, I conducted a post-structuralist discourse analysis of the Telegram channels of the governors of five Russian regions spanning the first two years of the full-scale invasion, as well as the three key speeches of Vladimir Putin announcing the full-scale invasion and the partial mobilization. My analysis found that while the governors stay within the bounds of Putin’s discourse, they selectively employ and omit key legitimization strategies used by Putin, such as historical rationalizations and hostile portrayals of Ukraine and the collective West. The results suggest that further research is needed to determine the extent of these irregularities and theorize causal explanations for them.
Legitimising EU foreign policy: the EU-Turkey migrant readmission deal
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Kama, Epp; Ehin, Piret, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The 2015 migration surge in the European Union marked a pivotal moment in its history, prompting urgent action in response to a great number of illegal entries and revealing vulnerabilities in the EU's asylum system and external borders. In the context of this situation, the EU negotiated an agreement with Turkey to improve border management and limit immigration. This thesis investigates the legitimisation of the EU-Turkey deal in political discourse. The research puzzle arises from the discrepancy between the EU's initial welcoming stance towards migrants and its criticism of Turkey's human rights record, both of which were contradicted by a deal that included sending migrants to Turkey and obliging Turkey to prevent migrants from setting out to the EU. This thesis bases its understanding of the standards and dimensions of EU legitimacy on Beetham and Lord's (1998) concept of legitimacy and Vivien Schmidt's (2013; 2020) theory of input, output, and throughput legitimacy. Using the method of Critical Discourse Analysis, the study analyses speeches by key EU actors between 2015 and 2019, focussing on Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker, European Council President Donald Tusk, and German Chancellor Angela Merkel. The findings reveal a predominant emphasis on output arguments, highlighting the perceived successes and justification of the EU-Turkey deal. Noticeably, throughput legitimacy emerged as a significant theme, with EU officials emphasising governance processes and interactions. However, input legitimacy was notably scarce in the discourse, and reflected a conflicted approach to democratic participation within the EU framework. This raises questions about the potential for legitimation through public support and the capacity for the construction of a united demos. Despite the EU's value-based community aspirations, the discourse suggests a struggle to garner genuine democratic support, revealing challenges in crisis resilience and legitimacy in comparison to individual nation-states. Overall, this research contributes to the understanding of EU foreign policy legitimacy and the complexities of legitimising controversial policy decisions in a normative power context.
How to prepare for war? Investigating the discourses in Russian foreign policy around the full-scale invasion of Ukraine
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Karpalavičiūtė, Justina; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The 2022 Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine was a turning-point in contemporary European history. Between the first reports of solid preparations for invasion and 24th February morning, Russian foreign policy discourse was largely focused on Ukraine and the West. By looking at the utterances of the main policy makers (the President and the Minister of Foreign Affairs), the sometimes-divergent narratives and ideas that were expressed are investigated through the lens of securitization and Bakhtin’s theory of heteroglossia and polyphony, by identifying the most relevant themes, languages, and voices that were used in the three-month period. This approach contributes towards a different way of understanding securitization and particularly the securitizing speech act, by including the notions of languages and voices into one’s analysis. The different languages and voices used in familiar themes and contexts helped produce a shared knowledge between the securitizing actors and the audiences, which contributed to the securitization move being successful, and legitimised the eventual invasion in the eyes of the Russian public.
Voices of the Arctic: understanding Indigenous securitising moves in the Willow Project, ANWR leases, and the Gállok/Kallak mine
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Jamerson, Lindsay; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
In the last two decades, the Arctic has experienced an increase in extractive industry projects. The resource extraction, motivated by the need for green energy transitions and made easier by global warming, has significantly impacted the security of Indigenous populations occupying their ancestral territory in the Arctic. The Iñupiat, Gwich’in, and Swedish Sami are all actively affected by extractive industry projects in their regions. The Willow Project, the ANWR Leasing Scheme, and the Gállok/Kallak mine, respectively, have become a flashpoint for environmental and political debate and have brought Indigenous perspectives to the forefront of public discourse. This research aimed to determine how Indigenous nations securitised extractive projects and what effect the securitised had on the project’s approval. Using securitisation theory, the speech acts of Indigenous security actors from the three Indigenous nations were collected and analysed to determine if Indigenous security, while using the language of human security, voices the threat of either ontological or societal insecurity. The findings indicate that Indigenous nations construct security threats as ontological or societal threats based on their political and cultural standing but justify the threat at the human security level.
From independence to integration: analyzing Estonia’s strategic alignment and arms procurement patterns
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Kortelainen, Oskar Henri; Linsenmaier, Thomas, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
How do changes in strategic alignment affect arms procurement patterns? This thesis focuses on changes in Estonia’s strategic alignment and the affect this has had on defence procurements conducted by Estonia in the years prior and after Estonia’s accession into NATO. This study argues, that the status of alignment can introduce more stability and structure to defence procurements compared to the status of being non-aligned. Additionally a change in alignment can also have an impact on the sources of procurement, mainly seeing a small or moderate increase in the procurements conducted from other mutually aligned countries. The implications of this study could reflect on the possible effects that NATO accession can have for future members of the alliance. Furthermore, this study helps to understand the strategic implications of being a member of an alliance and the effect this poses on a member states strategies in procuring their defence equipment.
Shifting discourses: a critical geopolitical analysis of Georgian Dream's narrative on Georgia's global positioning and European integration
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Gulashvili, Mariam; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis examines the discourse of the Georgian Dream (GD) party to understand how it shapes Georgia's identity, geopolitical positioning, and policy decisions. Using discourse analysis, it investigates GD's rhetoric on fundamental signifiers, EU aspirations, Christianity, political polarisation, relations with Russia, and responses to Ukraine's war. The study highlights the complexities and strategic nuances in GD's narrative construction, contributing to a deeper understanding of Georgia's political dynamics.
Shaken confidence: violation of norms as driver of expenditure increase
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Riether, Daniel Taylor; Kursani, Shpend, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The United States‘ alliances with Japan and the Philippines, built on the principle of mutual defense, stand in stark contrast to the United States‘ security cooperation with Taiwan which does not guarantee mutual defense in any capacity. Taiwan is thus quite vulnerable due its ongoing sovereignty dispute with China and its ambiguous international legal status. Yet curiously, since 2022 both Japan and the Philippines have increased their defense expenditure at a significantly faster rate than Taiwan, despite possessing much more solid security guarantees than Taiwan. Qualitative cross-case analysis of these three cases reveals two potential explanations. Firstly, within Japanese and Philippine negotiations with China, violation of confidence between leadership can be observed before the 2022 expenditure increase. This is not observable within Taiwanese-Chinese negotiations however, whose leaders largely refrained from formal contact and there was thus little trust to be broken in the first place. Secondly, as a de facto state, Taiwan‘s security situation does not benefit from international norms on non-aggression between states to the same extent as de jure states like Japan and the Philippines, and thus does not necessarily face the same pressure to respond to violation of said norms. The findings of this thesis contribute to understanding the strategic motivations of de facto states, as well as highlighting how dependency on international norms can affect diplomatic and strategic behavior.
Beyond neutrality: the role of identity in Irish defence and security policy
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Deasy, Cian; Linsenmaier, Thomas, juhendaja; Yüksel, Izzet Yalin, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
What lies behind Ireland’s anomalous approach to its defence and security policy? Why does a state which is otherwise politically aligned and integrated with its regional neighbours behave so differently, investing and cooperating to such limited extents, where defence and security are concerned? This is a question which has not garnered significant academic attention, and one the body of scholarship produced to date has struggled to answer. This study departs from the approach of previous scholarship in examining Irish behaviour through the lens of ontological security. By analysing elite Irish discourse on defence and security between 2014 and 2023, it illustrates the link between Irish identity constructions and policymaking in the defence and security sphere, highlighting the discursive ‘field of action’ generated for elite decision-makers by Ireland’s sense of self as an actor in the international community. It alleges that this sense of self perceives Ireland as a peace promoter and moral authority, one which is not entirely included in the Western European security space, and that such an identity precludes Ireland from shaping its policy in a manner similar to that of other Western European states. Prior to 2022, Irish ontological security was preserved through the maintenance of low military capability and limited international cooperation: from 2022, amid Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the Irish ‘field of action’ is found to have partially expanded to incorporate greater scope for investment and cooperation, but with the underlying identity tenets remaining the same.
Lost in dialogue: studying the development of identity discourse in the Kosovo-Serbia conflict
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Christianen, Adriaan Marinus; Kursani, Shpend, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This study explores the role of identity discourses and language in conflict resolution as a potential explanation for the observed practical failure of the EU-led Normalization Dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia. While existing scholarship focuses predominantly on the European Union’s mediating role in the dialogue, this study adopts a constructivist approach by emphasizing the agency of Kosovo and Serbia in shaping conflict dynamics through identity discourses instead. This study is grounded by the two foundational theoretical claims that identity formation of states matters in the normalization of relations, and that these relations can only normalize if identity discourses and language normalize. This study, therefore, examines the development of discursive encounters between Kosovo and Serbia in the UN Security Council from January 2011 to February 2024 to conclude whether the discourses and language usage of both have normalized as a prerequisite for the normalization of relations. Findings reveal a clear antagonistic trend in both Kosovo’s and Serbia’s identity discourses, evolving from predominantly constructive partnership to mutual threat perception, thus framing each other increasingly as existential threats to the Self. Therefore, the Normalization Dialogue has failed to, first and foremost, normalize Kosovo’s and Serbia’s discourses and language on the international arena. The study underscores the significance of identity and discourse in conflict resolution and contributes by providing insights in the importance of the normalization of discourses and language for conflict resolution. In line, it suggests that the European Union should prioritize discourse and language normalization, prior to the implementation of agreements.
The emergence of cyber security as a national security policy concern in NATO member states
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Kuus, Anna; Linsenmaier, Thomas, juhendaja; Carmichael, Logan Emily; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
As everyday technologies progress at a fast pace, new risks and threats evolve for the users and operators of technology. Today, cybersecurity is a common concern for basically all states –however, this has not always been the case. The concern with cybersecurity has emerged gradually over time, with ever more states becoming concerned. Against this background, this study sets out to study the proliferation of cybersecurity as a policy concern among a more narrowly confined group of states, namely NATO member states. Drawing on the literature on cybersecurity, the study identifies at least four factors that might explain the emergence of cybersecurity as a national policy concern. Whereas some explanations, such as norm diffusion and economic considerations have been already studied, explanations such as policy diffusion and innovations in the field of science and technology have not been widely studied. Therefore, the empirical part of the study analyses which of these factors explains the proliferation of cybersecurity as a policy concern. This research traces different factors for policy concern emergence, by applying document analysis on national cybersecurity strategies and conducting interviews with 14 experts and policymakers involved in cybersecurity policy formulation and implementation, including policymakers involved in developing the first national cybersecurity strategies. By assessing the theories of policy change, norm and policy diffusion, this study lists a set of possible causes for policy concern emergence in the field of cybersecurity. The results of this study indicate that the emergence of cybersecurity across three selected states was mostly driven by policy diffusion among states and innovations in the field of science and technology, firstly – if a state has adopted a policy as a result of emerging policy concern in a region or an international organization, then a policy concern emerges in other states; secondly, if a state sees an increase in developments in the field of science and technology, then cybersecurity as a policy concern emerges. This research demonstrates how different aspects and factors for policy formulation are considered and why some considerations are deemed more critical for national security than others.

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