Rahvusvaheliste suhete ja regiooni uuringute õppekava magistritööd – Master´s theses
Selle kollektsiooni püsiv URIhttps://hdl.handle.net/10062/56853
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listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , (Non)combatants and insurgency: a comparative study of military identity in Hezbollah and Hamas(Tartu Ülikool, 2025) Levin, Mark Aaron; Kursani, Shpend, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThis thesis investigates the divergent use of military uniforms by two similar non-state actors: Hezbollah and Hamas. While both groups share numerous characteristics, including Islamic ideological foundations, anti-Israeli resistance agendas, Iranian sponsorship, territorial governance, and being non-state actors, they differ significantly in one key behavioral outcome: Hezbollah frequently employs standardized military uniforms, whereas Hamas rarely does. In order to isolate the independent factors causing this behavioral divergence, the study uses Most Similar Systems Design (MSSD), which enables the control of shared variables. This thesis finds that the most compelling explanation lies in the interplay between operational environment, strategic logic, and structural incentives. Hamas’s avoidance of uniforms is a deliberate tactical adaptation to Gaza’s densely populated urban terrain, which favors stealth, civilian camouflage, and asymmetrical warfare. This decision also serves propaganda purposes, potentially inflating civilian casualty figures and enhancing international sympathy. Conversely, Hezbollah’s use of uniforms is facilitated by its more rural and mountainous, less densely populated operational environment and greater access to consistent Iranian support, which all make blending in with the civilian population less advantageous. Even though they are taken into account, theories such as shifting global recognition or resource constraints are ultimately found to be insufficient to explain the pattern that has been observed. Even though there is a resource disparity between these groups, this does not fully account for Hamas's activities, especially given its ability to fund complex infrastructure like Gaza's tunnel system. Instead, the study concludes that uniform use is best understood as a function of operational necessity, strategic objectives, and external constraints rather than material capability alone. This research contributes to the broader literature on armed non-state actors by demonstrating how variations in tactical environments and organizational strategy can lead to divergent military practices, even among otherwise similar groups.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , Europeanization in the context of the European Capital of Culture: analysis of the effects of budget and population size(Tartu Ülikool, 2025) Kozicki, Nicholas; Braghiroli, Stefano, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThe European Capital of Culture (ECoC) is one of the greatest tools of the EU Cultural Policy. The ECoC allows for selected cities in the EU, and candidate states to be promoted in the European and international spotlight. Furthermore, it acts as a catalyst for development being viewed a ‘mega-event’. However, winning a ECoC nomination requires years of work leading up to the title year. The ECoC acts as a tool furthering Europeanization among the selected cities by having to satisfy the criteria of the ECoC. This thesis argues that population and budget sizes of ECoC cities impacts the process of Europeanization. Through the theoretical framework of Europeanization, the analysis focuses on four interviews with ECoC officials combined with qualitative content analysis of ECoC monitoring reports to uncover understanding of how the population size and the budget of the ECoCs affects the process of Europeanization.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , Eurosceptic narratives and disinformation in Estonia in the context of 2024 European Parliament elections(Tartu Ülikool, 2025) Tärgla, Sheryl; Braghiroli, Stefano, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThe European Parliament elections play a principal role in shaping the EU and its member states' politics as the event introduces new political actors and agendas, often bringing along domestic changes. This thesis investigates the evolution of Eurosceptic narratives in Estonian alternative media throughout 2024, with particular focus on the European Parliament (EP) elections and possible connections to political disinformation. Additionally, the year 2024 offered a variety of other events shaping the political information related to the EU, such as other relevant controversial Eurosceptic actors, including Viktor Orbán and Hungary, which appear in the narratives. While previous studies have emphasised Euroscepticism among Estonia’s Russian-speaking population, this research concentrates on Estonian-speaking (far-right and nationalist) alternative media platforms. Using narrative analysis, the study examines 108 narratives across six major alternative media sites to identify core Eurosceptic themes and assess the presence of disinformation. Seven dominant narrative categories were identified, the most prevalent being portrayals of the EU having authoritarian tendencies. Although only a few narratives were confirmed as disinformation, many were found to be misleading, highlighting the blurred line between propaganda and outright falsehoods. The results also indicate a growing resonance of Euroscepticism in Estonia, reflected in the country’s increasing support for Eurosceptic parties during the 2024 EP elections. While explicit election-related campaigning was limited, post-election developments—such as dissatisfaction with the new Commission and continued emphasis on issues like climate policy and migration—intensified Eurosceptic rhetoric. The study contributes to broader discussions on the regional variations of Eurosceptic discourse, the strategic use of disinformation in populist media, and the role of emotional appeals and historical sensitivities in shaping anti-EU sentiment in Eastern Europe.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , Ukrainian narrative construction efforts before and during Ukrainian-Russian war(Tartu Ülikool, 2025) Saks, Karl Juhan; Braghiroli, Stefano, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThis thesis examines Ukrainian narrative construction before and after the start of the Ukrainian-Russian war. This aspect is examined through the lens of digital diplomacy in the context of inter-state armed conflict. In the current situation the focus would be on institutional digital diplomacy. To offer a detailed overview of these aspects, the author focuses on a single case of one institution conducting digital diplomacy. Therefore, this phenomenon would be used to contextualize Ukrainian Ministry of Foreign Affairs efforts in the digital sphere. In the current thesis, the author would focus on Ukrainian efforts in reaching out to European and other western powers support. These efforts are analyzed through narrative analysis to highlight the steps taken by Ukraine to counter Russian narratives and mobilize support among foreign allies.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , Towards the Estonization of EU foreign and security policy?(Tartu Ülikool, 2025) Khomasuridze, Anna; Linsenmaier, Thomas, juhendaja; Ehin, Piret, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThis thesis examines how the EU’s framing of Russia as a threat converged with Estonia’s foreign and security policy discourse between 2014 and 2024. It contributes to broader research on how small states’ framings resonate with EU-level discourse during periods of geopolitical disruption. Without seeking to establish causality or direct influence, the study investigates whether Estonia’s long-standing framing of Russia as a systemic threat became more aligned with EU discourse following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Estonia is selected as a case study due to its stable characterization of Russia as a revisionist and existential threat to European security, coupled with its emphasiz on sovereignty, democracy, and legal accountability. The theoretical framework combines Europeanization and constructivism, focusing on norm diffusion and discursive alignment. Methodologically, the study employs qualitative framing analysis based on Entman’s four dimensions, problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and policy recommendation, applied to selected Estonian and EU annual speeches and strategic documents from 2014 to 2024. The findings reveal that while Estonia’s framing remained stable throughout the period, EU discourse shifted sharply after 2022, adopting more assertive language, attributing causality directly to Russian leadership, and articulating responses that mirrored Estonia’s framing. This shift is interpreted not as direct uploading but as discursive convergence driven by contextual resonance in a moment of crises. The study concludes that small states can contribute to EU foreign policy discourse not through institutional power, but through consistency, credibility, and norm-based argumentation that align with the Union’s evolving priorities.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , A gender analysis of wartime action proposals in the case of Ukraine: discourse on existing speeches since the full-scale invasion(Tartu Ülikool, 2025) Moorats, Kristel; Kursani, Shpend, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThis thesis examines the role of gender in shaping wartime action proposals offered in response to the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine. Grounded in feminist peace research and discourse analysis, the research investigates whether and how the wartime prescriptions articulated by male and female political actors and commentators differ across five countries: France, Germany, the United Kingdom, the United States, and Estonia. Drawing on speeches and public commentary from twenty individuals, equally divided by gender, the analysis identifies thematic binaries such as war prescriptions versus peace prescriptions, military versus non-military approaches, and justice versus human life valuations. The findings suggest that gender does influence discourse, with women more frequently emphasizing the broader consequences of war, such as human suffering and long-term social impacts, while men more often focus on strategic goals. However, this division is not absolute, and instances of similarities emerged across contexts. The research also situates its inquiry within the broader framework of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, which advocates for women’s meaningful inclusion in conflict and peace processes. Ultimately, the thesis argues for the necessity of integrating gendered perspectives into international relations and conflict resolution, not only as a matter of equity but as a pathway toward more comprehensive and sustainable peacebuilding efforts.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , Geopolitics on the streets: the symbolic connections between Northern Ireland, Palestine, and Israel in murals and flags(Tartu Ülikool, 2025) Niit, Kertu; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThis thesis examines how murals and flags in Northern Ireland express symbolic solidarity with the Israel–Palestine conflict, revealing how visual culture is used to construct and perform geopolitical identity in a post-conflict setting. Drawing on critical and popular geopolitics, as well as theories of space, memory, and representation, the study investigates how Catholic/Republican and Protestant/Unionist communities visually align themselves with Palestine and Israel, respectively. Using visual discourse analysis, it analyses a dataset of murals and flags photographed in Belfast and Derry/Londonderry in 2024, supplemented by archival material. The findings show that Republican communities primarily express solidarity through murals that link Irish anti-colonial narratives to the Palestinian struggle, using visual tropes such as martyrdom, resistance, and shared historical grievance. In contrast, Unionist communities more often use flags to signal allegiance with Israel, reflecting themes of religious identification, statehood, and ideological continuity. These differences reflect deeper cultural and strategic choices in visual communication, shaped by the historical development of each community's representational practices. The thesis concludes that murals and flags are not merely reflective of identity, but are active tools in the ongoing spatial production of post-conflict political meaning, embedding local narratives within global frameworks of solidarity and opposition.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , Europeanization and domestic incentives: the case of the Association Trio(Tartu Ülikool, 2025) Hakijainen, Nikita; Ehin, Piret, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutAs global geopolitical competition continues to escalate, the European Union’s transformative power has become an increasingly important tool of influence in its neighborhood. This transformative capacity is primarily exercised through the process of Europeanization-specifically, accession Europeanization-whereby candidate countries are expected to align their institutions, norms, values, and practices with those of the EU. In recent years, however, the accession process has produced a dual dynamic: while some states have made significant progress, others have exhibited signs of de-Europeanization. This divergence raises a critical question: what determines the success or failure of accession Europeanization? This thesis investigated the relationship between the effectiveness of accession Europeanization and the domestic incentives of national governments. It conducted a comparative analysis of the Association Trio – Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia – states with similar EU aspirations and regional contexts but markedly different accession Europeanization outcomes. The thesis has found a strong correlation between the strength of domestic incentives and the success of accession Europeanization, thus contributing to the broader theoretical understanding of the accession process. The findings also identified practical challenges that can undermine reform efforts despite EU conditionality. Based on these insights, the thesis argued for a more context-sensitive approach by the EU, one that engages a wider array of domestic actors beyond central governments. Such an approach may improve the resilience and effectiveness of accession Europeanization in future candidate states.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , Conventional deterrence in the age of hybrid warfare: the effect of NATO’s presence on Russia’s hybrid activities in the Baltic states, 2014-2024(Tartu Ülikool, 2025) Marvin, William; Albulescu, Ana-Maria, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThe world is once again entering an era marked by uncertainty, geopolitical change, and security competition. In the changing landscape of international security, the effectiveness of traditional deterrence strategies requires a revisiting. NATO is widely considered the world’s longest standing military alliance with deterrence and defence its core task. In 2024 the total military spending by NATO members reached 1.5 trillion USD. Despite this, urgent questions are raised about the adequacy of NATO’s conventional deterrence strategy in countering hybrid warfare. This study evaluated NATO’s deterrence strategy by answering to what extent NATO’s presence affects Russian’s hybrid activity. NATO presence was measured and operationalized as the number of NATO troops, number of exercises, equipment capabilities, and defense spending. A qualitative analysis of official government intelligence reporting was done to measure Russian hybrid activity. By comparing the NATO presence and Russian hybrid activities in the Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania from 2014-2024 it found that NATO’s presence did not deter Russian hybrid activities, instead they increased. This thesis argues that NATO’s deterrence strategy must be modified to develop a comprehensive strategy to counter hybrid activities. It argues that differing deterrence strategies come with increased level of risks. It found that a change in deterrence strategy from deterrence by punishment to deterrence by denial creates higher risks and results in more hybrid aggression. It found that hybrid activity increased because of the changing deterrence strategy in addition to NATO presence. As Lithuania and Latvia follow Estonia’s lead and increase NATO deployments they should expect to see more frequent hybrid aggression. The Baltics, EU, and NATO should work together and factor in the increased risk that NATO presence creates, and invest in counter measures such as information and influence operations and enhanced cyber capabilities to restore deterrence.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , Safeguarding the rule of law in the European Union: assessing the effectiveness of the EU rule of law conditionality regulation(Tartu Ülikool, 2025) Ahmadzada, Ulkar; Ehin, Piret, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThis thesis studies the effectiveness of the Rule of Law Conditionality Regulation (RLCR) ensuring compliance to European Union (EU) rule of law principles, with a focus on Hungary and Poland. It addresses two main questions including how the EU’s rule of law enforcement framework has evolved, and to what extent the RLCR is effective in addressing systemic violations. The study employs a comparative case study approach and studies legal documents, judicial decisions, rule of law reports from the European Commission, resolutions from the European Parliament, and analysis of media sources to assess the legal framework and its domestic implementation. The study concludes that although the RLCR strengthens the EU’s enforcement capacity by associating financial conditionality with compliance with the rule of law, its effectiveness is considerably constrained by national political resistance and institutional entrenchment. Hungary demonstrates the boundaries of EU influence in situations characterized by executive dominance, whereas Poland demonstrates a partial alignment with EU norms, particularly in the context of political transformations in 2023. These outcomes reflect the broader dynamics of Europeanization, in which the effectiveness of top-down EU tools depends on domestic political commitment and institutional responsiveness. This research adds to the theoretical and empirical discussions regarding EU governance, legal conditionality. It provides insights into the RLCR’s implementation and underlines both its potential and limitations in achieving structural rule of law reforms.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , Cryptocurrencies as instruments of sanctions evasion: the case of Garantex and its illicit network(Tartu Ülikool, 2025) Wiltse, Brian; Kursani, Shpend, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutCryptocurrencies are rapidly unraveling the effectiveness of economic coercion, allowing sanctioned actors to move value across borders with only fragments of an identity. This thesis examines that shift through a detailed case study of the cryptocurrency exchange Garantex, a platform that processed roughly US $96 billion in digital-asset trades, at least US $1.3 billion of which trace to ransomware crews, darknet vendors and sanctioned oligarchs. Framed by Disruptive Innovation, Transnational Organized Crime, Network and Sanctions-Busting theories, the research adopts a mixed-methods design using both qualitative and quantitative analysis. Results show that, following Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine, Garantex and it's over-the-counter brokers rerouted 82 percent of targeted entities’ crypto through stablecoins, scripted address-rotation and continual re-branding, effectively sidestepping Western blacklists in real time. These findings demonstrate that sanctions architectures anchored in bank-centric choke points are becoming porous, and it highlights the urgent need for coordinated, near-real-time sharing of information and harmonized enforcement practices if economic sanctions are to retain credibility in an era of decentralized, programmable finance.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , Foreign policy narratives and electoral strategy: a study of party dynamics in the 2024 Georgian parliamentary election(Tartu Ülikool, 2025) Robakidze, Daviti; Braghiroli, Stefano, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThis thesis examines how political parties in Georgia used foreign policy narratives during the 2024 parliamentary election campaign. The study focuses on how these narratives were framed and what goals they served in a highly polarised political environment. Using a constructivist theoretical approach and framing theory as the main analytical tool, the research analyses how five political parties or coalitions—Georgian Dream, Coalition for Change, Unity – National Movement, Strong Georgia, and For Georgia—constructed and communicated their messages between May and October 2024. The study is based on qualitative content analysis of party manifestos, public speeches, statements, and interviews, mainly gathered from official websites and Facebook pages. It identifies five main types of frames: diagnostic, prognostic and competency, motivational, delegitimation, and identity frames. The findings show that foreign policy was often linked with domestic issues, especially questions of national identity, political legitimacy, and peace versus conflict. Opposition parties frequently framed Georgian Dream as being aligned with Russia, while the ruling party presented itself as the only force capable of ensuring peace and protecting traditional values. The study offers a detailed picture of how foreign policy was used in public messaging. The research contributes to understanding political competition in small states and shows how external policy can become central to domestic electoral politics.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , Exploring peace perspectives in post-war Azerbaijan: a comparative analysis of governmental and civil society views on conflict resolution(Tartu Ülikool, 2025) Mammadli, Ibrahim; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThis thesis investigates how the concept of “peace” is discursively constructed in post-war Azerbaijan following the 2020 Second Karabakh War and the 2023 military operation that solidified Azerbaijan’s control over Nagorno-Karabakh. It compares and contrasts the peace narratives advanced by the Azerbaijani government and civil society actors. While the government promotes a securitized and state-centric vision of peace, often referred to as “Winner’s Peace”, that emphasizes territorial integrity, military victory, and regime stability, civil society actors advocate for a more inclusive, justice-oriented, and transformative approach rooted in liberal peacebuilding principles. Through qualitative discourse analysis of political speeches, media statements, civil society publications, and interviews with peace activists, the research identifies key divergences and occasional overlaps between these two narratives. The study finds that the government’s discourse aligns with the framework of illiberal peace, marginalizing dissenting voices and excluding reconciliation-based approaches. In contrast, civil society actors, though politically constrained, promote people-to-people dialogue, transitional justice, and historical recognition. The thesis concludes that peace in Azerbaijan remains a contested and politically charged concept, shaped by asymmetrical power relations that limit pluralistic discourse and constrain prospects for sustainable conflict transformation.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , How does Saudi Arabia use sportswashing to build soft power and reshape its international image(Tartu Ülikool, 2025) Bugyík, Adrián ; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThis thesis investigates how Saudi Arabia strategically uses sportswashing as a soft power tool to rebrand its international image and divert attention from domestic issues, such as a bad human rights record or corruption. Situated within the frameworks of soft power, public diplomacy, and nation branding, the research applied a qualitative single case study approach focused on Saudi Arabia. Empirical analysis was conducted across five key domains of sportswashing: hosting of mega-events, development of domestic infrastructure and new facilities, sponsorship of teams or competitions by state-affiliated companies or organizations, investing in international sport leagues, teams or streaming rights, and engaging and using well-renowned athletes. Drawing on primary state documents and statements, academic literature, media reports, and NGO publications, the thesis finds that Saudi Arabia´s efforts have resulted in mixed results. While the kingdom has successfully increased its global visibility and partial credibility, these efforts have also intensified criticism, creating a paradox of fragile legitimacy.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , A comparison of the effect of Chinese and U.S. investment policies on rentier state functionality in Congo (DRC)(Tartu Ülikool, 2025) Niitra, Solveig; Kursani, Shpend, juhendaja; Veski, Karin, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThe shift from U.S. to Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) between 2013 and 2023 marked a critical turning point in the country's development outlook. By examining three distinct investment periods - pre-U.S. FDI, U.S. FDI, and the period of increased Chinese FDI - this thesis investigates how the DRC’s rentier state functionality evolved across political, societal, and economic dimensions. Using a comparative analysis of 15 V-Dem indicators, supported by complementary qualitative data, the study draws on rentier state theory to interpret measurable changes in governance and development outcomes. The results show that while U.S. investments coincided with modest improvements in institutional accountability and civic openness, Chinese investments, characterized by largescale, state-led infrastructure projects and a non-conditional approach, reinforced elite enrichment, weakened institutional constraints, and deepened the DRC’s dependence on its natural resources. This thesis highlights the importance of examining not only the presence of external rents within rentier states, but also the structure and conditionality of foreign investment in shaping rentier state trajectories. The findings contribute to a more nuanced understanding of how foreign economic engagement can either mitigate or exacerbate rentier dynamics, particularly in fragile, resource-rich countries like the DRC.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , Understanding the increase in the size of annual military parades in democratic states: the example of Poland and Estonia(Tartu Ülikool, 2025) Kleimann, Carlos; Linsenmaier, Thomas, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThis master’s thesis examines military parades, with the aim of identifying factors that explain the increase in size of annual military parades in democratic countries, a phenomenon that has not been previously studied. Guided by the research question “What explains the increase in size of military parades in democratic states?”, this study tests two key hypotheses: if democratic backsliding, then increase in size of the annual military parade in democratic states; and if increase in aggressiveness of neighbour, then increase in size of the parade in democratic states. Using process-tracing, the suitability of these hyptheses are analysed by examining Estonia’s Independence Day military parade and Poland’s Armed Forces Day military parade in the period of 2007-2024, focusing on the key moments when the increase in size of the annual parade occurs. The findings of the conducted study indicate that although some fluctuations in the size of military parades in democratic states are natural, the most significant increases are often deliberate and can be explained through the interests of the political leadership, especially in the context of democratic backsliding. Additionally, the study highlights that for democratic countries, the main target audience remains the domestic electorate. Even in the case of an increasingly aggressive neighbour, the increase in size is aimed at providing a sense of security for citizens, rather than being a credible deterrence against a potential adversary.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , Normative divergence as a limitation: the case of EU-China counterterrorism cooperation(Tartu Ülikool, 2025) Etsadashvili, Kristina; Linsenmaier, Thomas, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThe European Union (EU) and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) have been long-standing partners across various sectors; however, as their global presence evolves, their relations have experienced challenges stemming from their divergent normative stances, particularly in more politically sensitive fields, such as counterterrorism (CT). While the actors manage to cooperate on diverse non-traditional security issues, CT continues to face limitations, prompting reflection on what hinders collaboration. Accordingly, by utilizing a single case study and applying constructivism as a theoretical framework, the thesis aims to uncover how the degree of normative gap affects their level of engagement from 2013 to the present. Given the objective of the thesis, qualitative document analysis is employed to identify the level of CT cooperation, alongside qualitative content analysis combined with qualitative document analysis to measure the extent of normative gap between the actors. Focusing on the normative divide, instead of the economy-security nexus or differing conceptualizations of “terrorism”, enables the demonstration of how the ideational factors impact the level of CT cooperation between the EU and China, thereby filling the gap in literature, which overlooks the latter. The findings revealed that the substantial normative gap causes limited CT cooperation. In particular, the different normative perspectives derived from the principles they invoke in their policies and discourse do not align, resulting in divergent normative perspectives on the legitimate CT activity. Nevertheless, as normative foundations shift in response to globalization, as observed in this case study, this domain demands further scrutiny.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , The role of national parliaments in EU policy coordination: the case of the European Union Affairs Committee of the Estonian Parliament(Tartu Ülikool, 2025) Meier, Markus; Ehin, Piret, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThis thesis examines the role of the European Union Affairs Committee of the Estonian Parliament (ELAK) in shaping Estonia's EU policy, focusing on the committee's influence over government positions in EU affairs. Despite ELAK's formal authority to approve negotiating positions and ensure compliance with subsidiarity, its practical impact appears limited. The study employs a quantitative analysis of over 3,200 committee decisions from 2010 to 2024, combining descriptive statistics and logistic regression to assess ELAK's assertiveness in scrutinising governmental positions. The findings reveal that while ELAK possesses significant formal powers, its effectiveness is shaped primarily by issue salience and procedural factors. Assertive decisions, such as amendments or rejections of government positions, are more likely in specific policy areas (e.g., environment and education) and when formal voting procedures are used. However, there is no significant evidence that ELAK's assertiveness has increased over time since the Lisbon Treaty, nor that opposition-led sessions yield more assertive outcomes. The study concludes that ELAK functions primarily as a watchdog rather than an active policy shaper.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , Before and after the invasion: securitizing Russian influence in Estonia and the shifting discourses of Russian-speaking audiences(Tartu Ülikool, 2025) Kozlov, Egert Markus; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutSecuritization is a process in which the political actors frame issues as existential threats, therefore justifying extraordinary measures to combat the threats. This thesis explores the transformation of Estonia’s securitization of Russian influence, with a particular focus on Russian-speaking audiences' reactions. Despite a long-standing exposure and acknowledgement of Russian influence, explicit securitization acts were only accelerated following the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. The research addresses the puzzling question of why were the rapid securitization processes delayed until 2022 and how the discourses have transformed between two key periods: 2014 to 2022 and post-2022. Drawing on the securitization theory of the Copenhagen School and its extensions by Balzacq and Côté, the research sees the audience as an active agent in the securitizaiton process. Particularly, a focus has been placed on audience agency, including desecuritizatoion and counter-securitization moves. A post-structural discourse analysis is applied to parliamentary transcripts and media content, allowing for an analysis of securitization strategies and audience reactions between the two periods. The research concludes that the earlier securitization moves prioritised integration and inclusion, whereas the latter period saw more explicit exclusion and prohibition of Russian influence. While the previous period provided alternatives for the Russian-speaking audience, the post-2022 timeframe left little room for bargaining and for exceptions. Furthermore, the post-2022 period was illustrated by greater resistance from the Russian-speaking audience through desecuritization attempts, which included ignoring the issue, reconstructing the threat and counter-securitizing the state. The research contributes theoretically by advancing a more nuanced model of securitization acts and highlights the importance of the audience. It also encourages further investigation into post-Soviet securitization processes, particularly those involving minority-related discourses.listelement.badge.dso-type Kirje , Securitization as a means to legitimize autocratization: the case of Bukele’s El Salvador(Tartu Ülikool, 2025) Bussière, Samuel L. P.; Linsenmaier, Thomas, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutIt is rare, even unprecedented, that a democratically elected leader would refer to themselves as the World’s Coolest Dictator as a selling point. It is even rarer that an electorate will wholeheartedly embrace a leader for his authoritarian appeal. Yet that is exactly what happened in El Salvador since Nayib Bukele took the presidency in 2019. The Bukele administration has simultaneously enjoyed widespread domestic support and widespread international condemnation for human rights abuses and for bringing the country down an authoritarian path. This thesis seeks to explain this paradox; more specifically, what explains the widespread support for the Bukele administration and its authoritarian measures. Using critical securitization theory, which is understood as a means of obtaining legitimacy, this thesis delves into how the government of El Salvador in the Bukele era generated public support for its measures that contributed to the autocratization of the country. Notably, it analyzes El Salvador’s war on gangs and the following war against corruption, starting from its State of Exception in March 2022 to the date of submission in May 2025. As a single-case study using critical discourse analysis as its method of analysis, this thesis looks into how discourse was used to shape public opinion and generate legitimacy amongst the public. The findings provide insight into how autocratization can obtain legitimacy from the public when discursively argued as being in response to an existential security threat. In addition, this thesis’s focus on digital utterances of discourse sheds a new light on how social media can be used to shape domestic opinion and perceptions.