Rahvusvaheliste suhete ja regiooni uuringute õppekava magistritööd – Master´s theses

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The twelfth player: how FIFA challenges host states’ sovereignty. The case of the 2014 Brazil World Cup
(Tartu Ülikool, 2017) Rangel de Oliveira, Fabricio; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Ethnic cleavage in politics and mnemonic tensions: an analysis of World War II commemorative practices in Latvia
(Tartu Ülikool, 2017) Braslava, Māra; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
In Latvia, history and remembrance of World War II is a source of contestation between the ethnic Latvian majority and the Russian speaking minority. However, despite this prevailing idea of two conflicting positions, several studies on public opinion, suggest that the memory of Latvians and non-Latvians is more nuanced and different positons on 20th century history exist also within both ethnolinguistic groups. This thesis looks at commemorative rituals of the so called Legionnaire day on March 16, and the commemoration of end of World War II on May 8 and May 9 that represent mnemonic cleavages between Latvians and the country’s Russian speaking minority. Using Bernhard and Kubik’s (2014) theoretical framework of mnemonic actors and memory regimes, this study seeks to answer how the diversity of mnemonic positions within both ethno-linguistic groups is reflected in the political discourse. Next to that, opportunities of mnemonic reconciliation exist are examined. The overall conclusion is that both March 16 and May 9 present a fractured memory regime in Latvia. The mnemonic cleavages are drawn along ethnic lines but within the ethnolinguistic groups different positions were found as well. While May 9 is becoming a point of more intense mnemonic contestation and it is gaining more prominence, March 16 is increasingly abnegated by major political actors.
Electoral institutions and constituency service of the European Parliament's members
(Tartu Ülikool, 2017) Khokhlova, Aleksandra; Ehin, Piret, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The European Parliament is a unique legislature for several reasons, including one that concerns the fact that its members (MEPs) are elected under different electoral rules. This Master’s thesis examines the impact of these rules on MEPs constituency service, assuming that the latter could be not only the means of being responsive to the electorate, but of the realization of own preferences as well. Such preferences concern re-election, that, thus, makes the supranational level, on which MEPs operate, highly dependent on the national context, where fortunes of MEPs are decided. Thus, this study shows that not only electoral rules for European elections shape the behavior of MEPs, but also – those that are used for national general elections. Therefore, MEPs’ constituency service becomes a mechanism of building personal reputations among voters and intraparty reputation as well.
Failing interventions? assessing the success of liberal peace-building in Kosovo after 2008
(Tartu Ülikool, 2017) Köppl, Stefanie; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Sonnleitner, Dominik, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Dealing with a world of constant crises and wars, the international community is continuously applying efforts in peace-building processes to war-torn countries, in order to impose stability and development. The underlying concept of liberal peace-building and the form it is carried out are discussed critically amongst scholars and creates controversies. Especially in the course of and after the Yugoslav wars the discussion gained additional momentum. This thesis explores and evaluates the success of the international engagement in post-war Kosovo, where the liberal concept was applied extensively after the conflict. For this purpose a single case study, mostly based on document analysis is employed in order to analyse the developments in core areas of liberal peace-building. Set standards and description of the engaged missions support the overall understanding of the situation in Kosovo. The thesis seeks to contribute to the knowledge of the effects of liberal approaches, as well as the reasons for the prevailing failure in Kosovo. The areas of liberal economy, democratization, human rights and rule of law are found to show major shortcomings for which the reasons lie in misconceptions based within the liberal approach, but also in the structure of the integrated mission carried out in Kosovo. In light of ongoing engagement in Kosovo by international actors, it is discussed that the overall approach of an external imposed framework does not, as intended, lead to liberal democracies. The thesis argues that the roots for instability are strengthened by the international engagement and hinder sufficient development in Kosovo and does essentially not allow a positive outlook.
European Union accession conditionality and norm transfer: foreign policy alignment in the Western Balkans
(Tartu Ülikool, 2017) Sai, Katre; Ehin, Piret, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This Master's thesis focuses on European Union's accession conditionality in the Western Balkans countries in relation to their foreign policy alignment after the Ukrainian crisis and the annexation of Crimea in March 2014. More specifically, it analyses the alignment of current official and potential candidate states with sanctions on Russia. The alignment of enlargement countries is necessary for both the candidate countries if they intend to become members as well as for the EU itself as the former need to fully adopt all acquis and the latter needs to preserve its capability to “speak in a single voice” and continue promoting its values abroad. The main aim of the thesis is to ascertain whether EU's conditionality is credible for current enlargement countries. As foreign policy alignment is part of non-negotiable criteria for accession, the extent of alignment and the reasons why these states have aligned or not aligned with sanctions on Russia is analysed. In doing so, the focus is on the normative basis of policy positions and the role of EU values in the statements of government representatives. The thesis firstly elaborates on the importance of enlargement, foreign policy alignment and norm transfer, and then moves on to analyse whether the EU puts pressure on candidate states to align, and how government officials publicly respond to this pressure. Secondly, the thesis moves on to analyse the substance of the explanations of Western Balkan government representatives and the possible variety of domestic actors who might be interested in promoting an alternative foreign policy agenda. Results show that most non-aligning Western Balkan states refuse to join sanctions due to their rational interests and/or close relations with Russia. Furthermore, there are also countries that already align, but have joined EU sanctions partly due to their own self-interest. All in all, research shows that even though the EU is a union based on certain norms and values, there is little to prove that its norms have been internalised by enlargement countries. Therefore, if the intention would be to speed up the enlargement process and ensure future unity, more attention needs to be given to the normative basis of EU foreign policy.
The UN’s women, peace and security framework in the context of the 2012-2016 Colombian peace process. A window of opportunity for enhancing women’s rights?
(Tartu Ülikool, 2017) Schaper, Hannah; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
In order to tackle the historical omission of women’s contributions to processes of conflict resolution, the United Nations Security Council has been following a broad agenda on Women, Peace and Security (WPS) since the year 2000 to increase women’s participation in official peace negotiations and peace agreement implementation processes. The peace talks between the Colombian government under President Juan Manuel Santos and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), taking place in Havana from 2012-2016 officially brought an end to one of the world’s longest-running conflicts. Lauded by the international community due to its sensitivity with regard to women’s and victim’s rights, the latest Colombian peace process is portrayed as a potential role model for future peacebuilding initiatives. With the UN acting as a facilitator of the Havana peace talks, this thesis aims to deepen our understanding of the WPS framework’s effectiveness. Through an analysis of the final peace accord as well as a number of Transitional Justice and Disarmament, Demobilisation, and Reintegration measures surrounding the peace process, this thesis measures compliance between the process and the goals promoted by the UN’s WPS agenda. Additionally, interviews conducted during a field trip to Bogotá, are used to complement this analysis. The findings suggest that the WPS framework is reflected in the current Colombian peace process both with regard to the framework’s aims and its shortcomings. Attention is dedicated to the active ‘participation’ of women in matters of constructing a Colombian post-conflict society, and to measures of ‘relief and recovery’, with regard to victims of conflict-related sexual violence in particular. Strategies of ‘prevention’ and ‘protection’ of the rights and bodies of women as envisioned by the WPS agenda fall short in the Colombian context to the extent that despite the fact that a number of laws exists, their implementation, however, remains flawed.
What explains alignment? Armenian-Iranian cooperation in the context of Nagorno-Karabakh conflict
(Tartu Ülikool, 2017) Hovakimyan, Ani; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Armenian-Iranian alignment in the context of Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is one of the fields in the International Relations that lack research and proper attention. Given the role of Iran both in regional and global terms and the geographical location of Armenia on the chessboard of interests of the international players, this is a topic that should be addressed properly. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Iran tried to establish diplomatic relations with newly independent South Caucasus Republics that included both Armenia and Azerbaijan. However, the dissolution of the Soviet Union was accompanied by bloody conflicts. One of those conflicts was Nagorno-Karabakh over which Armenia and Azerbaijan were fighting and it was taking place right in the Iranian neighbourhood. Iran tried to take a position which would secure its borders and not present a threat to its national security. The general perception is that in NK conflict Iran is backing Armenia, a Christian country, instead of Azerbaijan-a Shia Muslim country. In order to understand the logic of Iranian foreign policy, a multi-dimensional analysis was made. The thesis approached the topic from the perspective of the Constructivist paradigm of alliance theory and compared/contrasted it with the Realist/Neorealist thinking. The analysis of the empirical part was based on the National Security Strategy Documents of the two states, research of local and foreign experts both in academic sources and media, and the conducted interviews with Armenian experts and diplomats. So, by applying the theoretical part to the empirical part, the thesis argues that the Constructivist theory is capable of addressing how Iranian national interests resulted in the alignment with the Armenia, while other approaches of alliance theory would have predicted something different.
Internal and external dimensions of pro-independence movements in Republika Srpska and Iraqi Kurdistan
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Grigorian, Arpi; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The aim of this study was to analyze the internal and external channels that Republika Srpska in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Iraqi Kurdistan put to use to promote their internal sovereignty and external political actorness. The theoretical implications of the research are that comprehensive peace agreements contain elements that can be deemed to encourage secessionism in the power-sharing structures they create, which challenges the solution of ethno-nationalist civil wars through establishing federalist states. Receiving constitutionally guaranteed powers, the minority elites continue promoting their cause using state structures and competencies granted to them by the state, contesting the central government in the internal political domain. Though I find that the actions of these entities slow down bureaucratic processes in the state and challenge central authorities, I did not find support that the secessionist politics led by sub-state entities have the aim of secession as a short-term goal. Rather, sub-state entities use structures given to them to re-negotiate their positions with the central government, and engage in foreign relations to strengthen their political and economic ties with external actors, which serve to legitimize the perpetual actions of challenging central authorities and gaining support from sub-state constituents.
Alliance durability and intra-alliance security dilemma: a case study of the U.S.-Japan alliance in the light of rising China
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Pachomcik, Oksana; McNamara, Eoin Micheál, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
In recent years, the East-Asian security order has been witnessing a number of disturbances stemming from increased assertiveness of regional security actors, such as North Korea and, to a lesser extent, China. More specifically, the escalation of tensions between China and Japan over the disputed Senkaku/Diaoyu islands has called into question the very viability of the U.S. “hub and spoke” alliance system in the region, with the 60 year old U.S.-Japan alliance at its core. As a relic of bipolar Cold War great power competition, today the alliance faces increasingly complex and uncertain security environment, which effectively challenges the very foundations of the widely celebrated trustworthiness and durability of the security ties between the two nations. Against this background, the thesis conducts a thorough examination of a salient episode, which has occurred and subsequently disturbed the established modes of operation within the U.S.-Japan alliance. In particular, the overarching aim of the study is: a) to uncover and assess the effect exerted by the intensification of an external threat (China) on the severity of intra-alliance security dilemma, with an eroding balance in entrapment-abandonment fears among the allies; b) how this phenomenon have manifested itself throughout the course of the Senkaku contingency; and c) what the identified anxiety-driven processes hold for the enduring quality of the U.S.-Japanese security cooperation. Grounded in theoretical expectations largely derived from the realist school of thought, the paper concludes that, chiefly consistent with realist thinking, the Senkaku crisis and the respective behaviour of allies does point to: 1) the upsurge of intra-alliance security dilemma; 2) the importance of fluctuations in triangular Sino-American-Japanese relationship for the magnitude of abandonment anxiety experienced by the weakest pole in the triangle (Japan); 3) the mitigating role of institutionalization on alliance ties plagued by twin abandonment-entrapment anxieties. Yet, the paper also discovers, contrary to Morrow’s (1991) expectations, the preservation of asymmetrical nature of the alliance, as reflected in high degrees of weaker ally’s direct dependence, in all likelihood, would be detrimental to alliance durability, due to the importance attached to acquired reputations for reliability in the minds of state leaders. Hence, it becomes evident that phenomena such as sustained alliance durability and intensity of intra-alliance security dilemma cannot be fully captured by one all-encompassing realist approach; instead, any future inquiries into the topic of alliance durability would significantly benefit from a harmonious merging of insights from different schools of thought.
Track Two Diplomacy in intractable conflicts: the role of civil society organizations in the peace-building process of the Israel-Palestine conflict
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Kajaia, Meri; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The 70-year-old conflict between Israel and Palestine is one of the fields in International Relations that has come under extensive research. Yet, a great deal of attention has been allocated to official negotiations while the importance of non-official actors lacks analysis. However, the contribution that these actors can make to the peace-building process is crucial for understanding the underlying mechanisms for the transformation and subsequent resolution of the conflict. In this light, the thesis aims to fill in the aforementioned gap by looking into the role that 30 civil society organizations (CSOs) engaged in the peace-building process have played at the level of ordinary citizens, as well as that of the official policy lines concerning conflict resolution, analyzing the matter through the lenses of Track Two Diplomacy. As a result, the research has found that although the CSOs involved in the Israel-Palestine conflict have mobilized public support for peace-building, brought people from the conflicting parties closer and have contributed to their reconciliation, they have had only limited effect on official policy lines dealing with conflict resolution.
Legitimacy and ethnic politics in de facto states: rhetoric, legislation and reality in Abkhazia and Kosovo
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Drayton, James Robin; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis investigates three closely related research questions. The first is how de facto states make use of minority rights norms to garner legitimacy on the international stage. The second is how de facto states’ desire for international legitimacy is reflected in legislation relevant to ethnic issues. The third is how the desire for international legitimacy – and the legal framework – actually affects ethnic politics and the situation of minorities. These questions are explored through a two-case comparative study, comparing Kosovo and Abkhazia. Qualitative methods are used to analytically compare the two cases with regards to official rhetoric on the international stage, legislation and the situation on the ground. It is found that in Kosovo minority rights norms have moulded legislation and official rhetoric, but have not penetrated deeply into the actual behaviour of policy-makers and have only yielded modest results on the ground. In Abkhazia it is found that the norms have had some effect on official rhetoric, but little to none on legislation or praxis. In both cases it is observed that international minority rights norms are reinterpreted to fit pre-existing, ethnocentric narratives and then used in legitimation strategies. It is hypothesized that greater international engagement results in rhetoric and legislation that more closely comply with international norms, but that this will only translate into praxis in the presence of material incentives. It is also hypothesized that norms are more likely to be adopted the more compatible they are with pre-existing norms and identities.
A new generation in peacebuilding? A comparative study of the emergence of the hybrid peace
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Mõttus, Heidi; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Liberal peacebuilding continues to be the most dominant form of peacebuilding today. Yet, liberal peace practices have not always resulted in a sustainable peace and critical approaches to the liberal peace have emerged, which concentrate on how the liberal peace asserts itself in local contexts and how the emerging liberal-local interactions are able to transform the peace. One such concept is that of the hybrid peace, which combines liberal and emancipatory peacebuilding practices. While the concept of the hybrid peace is generally well understood, its theoretical framework is underdeveloped and although some scholars have suggested that the hybrid peace could be understood as a new generation in peacebuilding, conditions surrounding its emergence remain unclear. If the hybrid peace is to become a new generation in peacebuilding, greater clarity is needed for understanding whether it could be implemented from the outset in peacebuilding operations. This thesis seeks to enhance the current theoretical framework by suggesting a three-pillar model and a distinction between a more positive type of hybridity, the inclusive hybrid peace and a more negative exclusive hybrid peace. The three-pillar model is then used to comparatively analyse peace agreements and post-conflict peace processes in the case studies of Kosovo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Northern Ireland and Timor-Leste using indicators to measure the extent to which each pillar is represented in the documents. The findings suggest variance in the way in which the three pillars are represented in the case studies. The more adherence there is to the three pillars in the peace agreements as well as in implementation phases, the more likely inclusive hybrid peace becomes. Nevertheless, the findings also suggest that an inclusive hybrid peace is a difficult concept to implement, especially in violent ethnic conflicts that result in consociational power-sharing agreements, which tend to entrench ethnic divisions. A greater focus on bottom-up approaches in peacebuilding can foster reconciliation, especially at the grassroots level. However, at the level of implementation, the hybrid peace as a concept remains problematic.
The United States energy security: shale revolution viability in the context of implemented sustainable development and environmental stewardship dimension
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Zakirov, Ildar; Pataccini, Leonardo, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The effectiveness of economic sanctions: the case of Russia’s sanctions against Turkey
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Poghosyan, Hasmik; Linsenmaier, Thomas, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The effectiveness of economic sanctions is one of the key issues in current debates in the International Relations (IR) literature on sanctions. A key aspect for the effectiveness of economic sanctions is how to transfer economic pain to coercive power, in particular, how the “sender” might wring concessions from the “recipient” or target, making sanctions an effective foreign policy tool. This study contributes to this debate by demonstrating the relevance of target country vulnerability. This study engages in this debate and explores the factors behind Turkey’s decision to make foreign policy concessions to Russia in the aftermath of a sharp deterioration of relations between two countries. After shooting down Russian SU-24 jet, the diplomatic relations between Turkey and Russia de facto broke down. In regard to this incident, Russia imposed a package of sanctions against Turkey and presented demands, only in case of fulfillment of which Kremlin was ready to restart dialogue with Turkey. Over seven months Ankara rejected to give in any demand required by Moscow, but later Turkish foreign policy behavior towards Russia drastically changed, since Erdogan made substantive foreign policy concessions for the restoration of relations between two countries. For explaining this turnaround in Turkish foreign policy, the mediating role of a target’s susceptibility to coercion – its vulnerability - is brought into view. What explains turnaround of Turkish foreign policy towards Russia is domestic instability and international isolation which intensified Turkey’s “vulnerability” to a high level and made it more susceptible to Russia’s economic pressure. This study establishes that economic sanctions become effective under the condition of high vulnerability which is a function of domestic instability and international isolation. In this way, this study demonstrates that economic sanctions alone do not determine the effectiveness, but have to be matched with a context in which the economic pain they inflict can also translate into political pressure.
Member state involvement in the area of EU exclusive competence: the case of the EU-Canada Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Belija, Krista; Ehin, Piret, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Free and open trade is crucial for the European Union. Currently, the EU is the world’s largest trading bloc managing trade and investment relations with non-EU countries. The common commercial policy is the area of EU exclusive Competence. The Commission is responsible for legislation on trade matters, and for concluding international trade agreements. Despite this member states are not entirely excluded from trade negotiations. This thesis looks at negotiation process of the EU-Canada Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) signed in 2016, with parts of it coming into force already in 2017. Using theoretical framework of liberal intergovernmentalism and principal-agent framework this thesis seeks to answer how, and to what extent, the large member states of the EU influence the negotiations of an international trade agreement. CETA case proves that large member states can influence the area of EU exclusive competence. Member states have been involved in certain stages of the negotiation process. Moreover, the level of influence depends on the domestic situation, governments’ stances and national interests.
Securitization of energy relations by Poland, Latvia, Denmark and Sweden: the building of Nord Stream 2
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Rutkovska, Hanna; Pataccini, Leonardo, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Over the past years, discussion concerning enhancing t he security of supply and avoiding the fragmentation of EU gas market have a dominated place on the agenda of the European Commission, chaired by Jean-Claude Juncker. In this light, the proposal of the new pipeline, Nord Stream 2 has raised a couple of controversial questions. It led to a new tension within an EU-level regarding forming the two blocs, r espectively s upporters and opponents of the gas project. The thesis aims to provide the analysis of the four Member States that have voiced against t he building of the pipeline. The chosen countries consider the Nord Stream 2 project as a political tool which might divide the EU inside and ensure the Russian dominance in the European energy market. In such a situation, the particular Member States stands on blocking it to prevent the inevitable consequences. The research outlines the common stance on the gas offshore by analysing the speech acts of Member States' political leaders. According to the Copenhagen School, the thesis disputes t he degree of s ecuritization which can b e gained in the particular energy issue. Primarily, the study delves into the initial stage of the securitization known as a securitising movement. Hence, the securitising actors, their speech acts and referent objects are the essential elements of analysis. Functional actors such as Russia and Germany a re included in the research as well. Overall, the findings confirm the political significance of the energy relation in the context of t he construction of the pipeline and its effect on the further escalation of securitising movement.
Anti-intellectual political rhetoric: a grounded theory on twitter echo chambers
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Meyer, Stefan L.; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
BACKGROUND: Separating the pursuit of knowledge and scientific endeavors from politics is impossible. Through the advancement of technology, especially social media, it has become easier for politicians to dismiss science and intellectuals through anti-intellectual rhetoric at an unprecedented rate. Critical thinking in analyzing policies is discouraged and dismissed in favor of uncritical common sense. OBJECTIVE: This thesis sets out to explore how political anti-intellectual rhetoric is spread by politicians in the US and UK through social media, specifically Twitter. METHODOLOGY: This study applies a Mixed Methods-Grounded Theory approach to develop an emergent theory on anti-intellectualism in political tweets grounded in data. The data analyzed was taken from ten members of parliament in the United Kingdom and 11 politicians in the United States. A total of approx. 50,000 tweets were included in the raw dataset. The data was analyzed and sorted using CAQDAS as well as manual coding methods. FINDINGS: Through empirical analysis of the data the study found that politicians who tweet anti-intellectual tweets will disengage from the Twitter conversation afterward. However, Twitter’s method of displaying Twitter replies increases the probability of supporters seeing the message and multiplying it through an echo chamber. JUSTIFICATION FOR THEORY: The theory is grounded in the data presented in this thesis. Data was collected until further analysis resulted in theoretical saturation and failing to reject the emergent theory. IMPLICATIONS: As the politician has disengaged from the conversation, he or she can reject responsibility for the conversations that follow their tweet. In this manner a tweet that makes an uncritical claim can be morphed into a fully anti-science narrative through the echo chamber without the politician’s further involvement.
National preferences in the European Union's policy-making for relations with third countries: case study of China's One Belt, One Road initiative
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Lindus, Ketli; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis analyses the role of national preferences in the European Union’s (hereinafter “EU”) policy-making for relations with third countries. Although policymaking in the EU itself is a topic which has been thoroughly assessed by academic research through more than half a century, only a limited amount of attention has been turned to the specific question of policy-making for EU’s policy relations with third countries. The said topic is of importance, as in light of the additional competences granted to the Maastricht Treaty and the Lisbon Treaty, and in light of the ongoing process of globalisation, the EU has obtained a very important role in representing its Member States in relations with third countries. The thesis analyses the topic at hand through the example of one of the most prominent ongoing economic initiatives, China’s “One Belt, One Road” (hereinafter “OBOR”) initiative. More specifically, the thesis analyses the national preferences of three EU Member States, France, Germany and Poland, in relation to OBOR and the EU’s policy in relation to OBOR, to ascertain how the national preferences of those three countries are represented by EU’s policy, how the EU tackles conflicting national preferences and how does the role of national preferences in policy-making for relations with third countries differs from the role of national preferences in policy-making for different matters. Results show that national preferences do play an important role in the development of EU’s policy for relations with third countries. The analysis further shows that in case of conflicting national preferences, certain national preferences may be cast aside upon the formulation of EU’s policy, which may result in the relevant Member State disregarding the EU’s policy and trying to represent its national preferences either bilaterally or through another framework. Lastly, the analysis shows that there are differences in the role of national preferences in EU’s policy-making for relations with third countries, in comparison of the role of national preferences in policy-making concerning other matters. In case of relations with other countries, Member States engage in less interstate bargaining and in case of conflicting national preferences, seek other ways to represent their preferences.
Securitization of immigration under the Trump administration: reconceptualizing the functional actor through the judiciary and the media
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Lille, Karl-Gerhard; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Regional empowerment, secessionism and European integration: the cases of Catalonia and Scotland
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Tunnel, Hanna; Ehin, Piret, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
One of the main challenges facing multicultural states in today's globalised world is accommodating the various diverse groups living within them. Especially complex are the claims of minority sub-state nations, which demand greater autonomy and in extreme cases want to separate. Recently several regionalist or nationalist movements have become more assertive, and there has emerged a new dimension to the matter – the movements envision independence within the European Union (EU). If a constituent region of an EU member state were to become independent, it would set a precedent. Thus, the aim of this thesis is to analyse the relationship between European integration and secessionism in multicultural states. Building on theoretical insights from multilevel governance, new regionalism and rational choice institutionalism, the thesis analyses the international environment created by European integration, the political and economic empowerment of regions in the EU since the Single European Act, as well as the mobilisation of subnational actors, which pursue their regional interests and demand more powers (including independence). The study is conducted using two cases, Catalonia and Scotland, and finds that they have rationally responded to their changed opportunity structures. Thus, the main result of the analysis is that European integration has strengthened secessionism in multinational states with sizeable geographically concentrated indigenous minority groups, by creating a favourable international environment for small states, and strengthening regions and subnational actors economically and politically.

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