Rahvusvaheliste suhete ja regiooni uuringute õppekava magistritööd – Master´s theses

Selle kollektsiooni püsiv URIhttps://hdl.handle.net/10062/56853

Sirvi

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European Union accession conditionality and norm transfer: foreign policy alignment in the Western Balkans
(Tartu Ülikool, 2017) Sai, Katre; Ehin, Piret, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This Master's thesis focuses on European Union's accession conditionality in the Western Balkans countries in relation to their foreign policy alignment after the Ukrainian crisis and the annexation of Crimea in March 2014. More specifically, it analyses the alignment of current official and potential candidate states with sanctions on Russia. The alignment of enlargement countries is necessary for both the candidate countries if they intend to become members as well as for the EU itself as the former need to fully adopt all acquis and the latter needs to preserve its capability to “speak in a single voice” and continue promoting its values abroad. The main aim of the thesis is to ascertain whether EU's conditionality is credible for current enlargement countries. As foreign policy alignment is part of non-negotiable criteria for accession, the extent of alignment and the reasons why these states have aligned or not aligned with sanctions on Russia is analysed. In doing so, the focus is on the normative basis of policy positions and the role of EU values in the statements of government representatives. The thesis firstly elaborates on the importance of enlargement, foreign policy alignment and norm transfer, and then moves on to analyse whether the EU puts pressure on candidate states to align, and how government officials publicly respond to this pressure. Secondly, the thesis moves on to analyse the substance of the explanations of Western Balkan government representatives and the possible variety of domestic actors who might be interested in promoting an alternative foreign policy agenda. Results show that most non-aligning Western Balkan states refuse to join sanctions due to their rational interests and/or close relations with Russia. Furthermore, there are also countries that already align, but have joined EU sanctions partly due to their own self-interest. All in all, research shows that even though the EU is a union based on certain norms and values, there is little to prove that its norms have been internalised by enlargement countries. Therefore, if the intention would be to speed up the enlargement process and ensure future unity, more attention needs to be given to the normative basis of EU foreign policy.
The twelfth player: how FIFA challenges host states’ sovereignty. The case of the 2014 Brazil World Cup
(Tartu Ülikool, 2017) Rangel de Oliveira, Fabricio; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Ethnic cleavage in politics and mnemonic tensions: an analysis of World War II commemorative practices in Latvia
(Tartu Ülikool, 2017) Braslava, Māra; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
In Latvia, history and remembrance of World War II is a source of contestation between the ethnic Latvian majority and the Russian speaking minority. However, despite this prevailing idea of two conflicting positions, several studies on public opinion, suggest that the memory of Latvians and non-Latvians is more nuanced and different positons on 20th century history exist also within both ethnolinguistic groups. This thesis looks at commemorative rituals of the so called Legionnaire day on March 16, and the commemoration of end of World War II on May 8 and May 9 that represent mnemonic cleavages between Latvians and the country’s Russian speaking minority. Using Bernhard and Kubik’s (2014) theoretical framework of mnemonic actors and memory regimes, this study seeks to answer how the diversity of mnemonic positions within both ethno-linguistic groups is reflected in the political discourse. Next to that, opportunities of mnemonic reconciliation exist are examined. The overall conclusion is that both March 16 and May 9 present a fractured memory regime in Latvia. The mnemonic cleavages are drawn along ethnic lines but within the ethnolinguistic groups different positions were found as well. While May 9 is becoming a point of more intense mnemonic contestation and it is gaining more prominence, March 16 is increasingly abnegated by major political actors.
Electoral institutions and constituency service of the European Parliament's members
(Tartu Ülikool, 2017) Khokhlova, Aleksandra; Ehin, Piret, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The European Parliament is a unique legislature for several reasons, including one that concerns the fact that its members (MEPs) are elected under different electoral rules. This Master’s thesis examines the impact of these rules on MEPs constituency service, assuming that the latter could be not only the means of being responsive to the electorate, but of the realization of own preferences as well. Such preferences concern re-election, that, thus, makes the supranational level, on which MEPs operate, highly dependent on the national context, where fortunes of MEPs are decided. Thus, this study shows that not only electoral rules for European elections shape the behavior of MEPs, but also – those that are used for national general elections. Therefore, MEPs’ constituency service becomes a mechanism of building personal reputations among voters and intraparty reputation as well.
Failing interventions? assessing the success of liberal peace-building in Kosovo after 2008
(Tartu Ülikool, 2017) Köppl, Stefanie; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Sonnleitner, Dominik, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Dealing with a world of constant crises and wars, the international community is continuously applying efforts in peace-building processes to war-torn countries, in order to impose stability and development. The underlying concept of liberal peace-building and the form it is carried out are discussed critically amongst scholars and creates controversies. Especially in the course of and after the Yugoslav wars the discussion gained additional momentum. This thesis explores and evaluates the success of the international engagement in post-war Kosovo, where the liberal concept was applied extensively after the conflict. For this purpose a single case study, mostly based on document analysis is employed in order to analyse the developments in core areas of liberal peace-building. Set standards and description of the engaged missions support the overall understanding of the situation in Kosovo. The thesis seeks to contribute to the knowledge of the effects of liberal approaches, as well as the reasons for the prevailing failure in Kosovo. The areas of liberal economy, democratization, human rights and rule of law are found to show major shortcomings for which the reasons lie in misconceptions based within the liberal approach, but also in the structure of the integrated mission carried out in Kosovo. In light of ongoing engagement in Kosovo by international actors, it is discussed that the overall approach of an external imposed framework does not, as intended, lead to liberal democracies. The thesis argues that the roots for instability are strengthened by the international engagement and hinder sufficient development in Kosovo and does essentially not allow a positive outlook.
The UN’s women, peace and security framework in the context of the 2012-2016 Colombian peace process. A window of opportunity for enhancing women’s rights?
(Tartu Ülikool, 2017) Schaper, Hannah; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
In order to tackle the historical omission of women’s contributions to processes of conflict resolution, the United Nations Security Council has been following a broad agenda on Women, Peace and Security (WPS) since the year 2000 to increase women’s participation in official peace negotiations and peace agreement implementation processes. The peace talks between the Colombian government under President Juan Manuel Santos and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), taking place in Havana from 2012-2016 officially brought an end to one of the world’s longest-running conflicts. Lauded by the international community due to its sensitivity with regard to women’s and victim’s rights, the latest Colombian peace process is portrayed as a potential role model for future peacebuilding initiatives. With the UN acting as a facilitator of the Havana peace talks, this thesis aims to deepen our understanding of the WPS framework’s effectiveness. Through an analysis of the final peace accord as well as a number of Transitional Justice and Disarmament, Demobilisation, and Reintegration measures surrounding the peace process, this thesis measures compliance between the process and the goals promoted by the UN’s WPS agenda. Additionally, interviews conducted during a field trip to Bogotá, are used to complement this analysis. The findings suggest that the WPS framework is reflected in the current Colombian peace process both with regard to the framework’s aims and its shortcomings. Attention is dedicated to the active ‘participation’ of women in matters of constructing a Colombian post-conflict society, and to measures of ‘relief and recovery’, with regard to victims of conflict-related sexual violence in particular. Strategies of ‘prevention’ and ‘protection’ of the rights and bodies of women as envisioned by the WPS agenda fall short in the Colombian context to the extent that despite the fact that a number of laws exists, their implementation, however, remains flawed.
What explains alignment? Armenian-Iranian cooperation in the context of Nagorno-Karabakh conflict
(Tartu Ülikool, 2017) Hovakimyan, Ani; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Armenian-Iranian alignment in the context of Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is one of the fields in the International Relations that lack research and proper attention. Given the role of Iran both in regional and global terms and the geographical location of Armenia on the chessboard of interests of the international players, this is a topic that should be addressed properly. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Iran tried to establish diplomatic relations with newly independent South Caucasus Republics that included both Armenia and Azerbaijan. However, the dissolution of the Soviet Union was accompanied by bloody conflicts. One of those conflicts was Nagorno-Karabakh over which Armenia and Azerbaijan were fighting and it was taking place right in the Iranian neighbourhood. Iran tried to take a position which would secure its borders and not present a threat to its national security. The general perception is that in NK conflict Iran is backing Armenia, a Christian country, instead of Azerbaijan-a Shia Muslim country. In order to understand the logic of Iranian foreign policy, a multi-dimensional analysis was made. The thesis approached the topic from the perspective of the Constructivist paradigm of alliance theory and compared/contrasted it with the Realist/Neorealist thinking. The analysis of the empirical part was based on the National Security Strategy Documents of the two states, research of local and foreign experts both in academic sources and media, and the conducted interviews with Armenian experts and diplomats. So, by applying the theoretical part to the empirical part, the thesis argues that the Constructivist theory is capable of addressing how Iranian national interests resulted in the alignment with the Armenia, while other approaches of alliance theory would have predicted something different.
Securitization of energy relations by Poland, Latvia, Denmark and Sweden: the building of Nord Stream 2
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Rutkovska, Hanna; Pataccini, Leonardo, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Over the past years, discussion concerning enhancing t he security of supply and avoiding the fragmentation of EU gas market have a dominated place on the agenda of the European Commission, chaired by Jean-Claude Juncker. In this light, the proposal of the new pipeline, Nord Stream 2 has raised a couple of controversial questions. It led to a new tension within an EU-level regarding forming the two blocs, r espectively s upporters and opponents of the gas project. The thesis aims to provide the analysis of the four Member States that have voiced against t he building of the pipeline. The chosen countries consider the Nord Stream 2 project as a political tool which might divide the EU inside and ensure the Russian dominance in the European energy market. In such a situation, the particular Member States stands on blocking it to prevent the inevitable consequences. The research outlines the common stance on the gas offshore by analysing the speech acts of Member States' political leaders. According to the Copenhagen School, the thesis disputes t he degree of s ecuritization which can b e gained in the particular energy issue. Primarily, the study delves into the initial stage of the securitization known as a securitising movement. Hence, the securitising actors, their speech acts and referent objects are the essential elements of analysis. Functional actors such as Russia and Germany a re included in the research as well. Overall, the findings confirm the political significance of the energy relation in the context of t he construction of the pipeline and its effect on the further escalation of securitising movement.
Anti-intellectual political rhetoric: a grounded theory on twitter echo chambers
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Meyer, Stefan L.; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
BACKGROUND: Separating the pursuit of knowledge and scientific endeavors from politics is impossible. Through the advancement of technology, especially social media, it has become easier for politicians to dismiss science and intellectuals through anti-intellectual rhetoric at an unprecedented rate. Critical thinking in analyzing policies is discouraged and dismissed in favor of uncritical common sense. OBJECTIVE: This thesis sets out to explore how political anti-intellectual rhetoric is spread by politicians in the US and UK through social media, specifically Twitter. METHODOLOGY: This study applies a Mixed Methods-Grounded Theory approach to develop an emergent theory on anti-intellectualism in political tweets grounded in data. The data analyzed was taken from ten members of parliament in the United Kingdom and 11 politicians in the United States. A total of approx. 50,000 tweets were included in the raw dataset. The data was analyzed and sorted using CAQDAS as well as manual coding methods. FINDINGS: Through empirical analysis of the data the study found that politicians who tweet anti-intellectual tweets will disengage from the Twitter conversation afterward. However, Twitter’s method of displaying Twitter replies increases the probability of supporters seeing the message and multiplying it through an echo chamber. JUSTIFICATION FOR THEORY: The theory is grounded in the data presented in this thesis. Data was collected until further analysis resulted in theoretical saturation and failing to reject the emergent theory. IMPLICATIONS: As the politician has disengaged from the conversation, he or she can reject responsibility for the conversations that follow their tweet. In this manner a tweet that makes an uncritical claim can be morphed into a fully anti-science narrative through the echo chamber without the politician’s further involvement.
National preferences in the European Union's policy-making for relations with third countries: case study of China's One Belt, One Road initiative
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Lindus, Ketli; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis analyses the role of national preferences in the European Union’s (hereinafter “EU”) policy-making for relations with third countries. Although policymaking in the EU itself is a topic which has been thoroughly assessed by academic research through more than half a century, only a limited amount of attention has been turned to the specific question of policy-making for EU’s policy relations with third countries. The said topic is of importance, as in light of the additional competences granted to the Maastricht Treaty and the Lisbon Treaty, and in light of the ongoing process of globalisation, the EU has obtained a very important role in representing its Member States in relations with third countries. The thesis analyses the topic at hand through the example of one of the most prominent ongoing economic initiatives, China’s “One Belt, One Road” (hereinafter “OBOR”) initiative. More specifically, the thesis analyses the national preferences of three EU Member States, France, Germany and Poland, in relation to OBOR and the EU’s policy in relation to OBOR, to ascertain how the national preferences of those three countries are represented by EU’s policy, how the EU tackles conflicting national preferences and how does the role of national preferences in policy-making for relations with third countries differs from the role of national preferences in policy-making for different matters. Results show that national preferences do play an important role in the development of EU’s policy for relations with third countries. The analysis further shows that in case of conflicting national preferences, certain national preferences may be cast aside upon the formulation of EU’s policy, which may result in the relevant Member State disregarding the EU’s policy and trying to represent its national preferences either bilaterally or through another framework. Lastly, the analysis shows that there are differences in the role of national preferences in EU’s policy-making for relations with third countries, in comparison of the role of national preferences in policy-making concerning other matters. In case of relations with other countries, Member States engage in less interstate bargaining and in case of conflicting national preferences, seek other ways to represent their preferences.
Securitization of immigration under the Trump administration: reconceptualizing the functional actor through the judiciary and the media
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Lille, Karl-Gerhard; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Frontex reform in the context of the migration crisis: explaining the failure to upgrade the agency's mandate
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Čuplaka, Evija; Ehin, Piret, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The Migration crisis has brought significant attention to Frontex inability to tackle the crisis and the necessity to reform the agency had a common understanding between EU actors. However, after the reform process, agencies mandate was not upgraded. This master thesis states that EU member states are those who are not willing to upgrade Frontex mandate and it aims to find the main factors that influenced the failure to upgrade its mandate. To answer the research question, supranationalism, intergovernmentalism, EU agency theory and principal -agent framework was used.With process tracing method used, the document analysis and national member states positions were analyzed in order to see what interests all of the actors involved in decision making process had. The main argument was approved as member states were those who were not willing to delegate more power to the Frontex. Keywords: EU specialized agencies, European integration, power delegation, Frontex, authonomy
Comfortable bed-fellows? Russia and the radical right after the Crimean annexation
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Aitton, Liesa Anna; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This study examines the radical rightist stances of the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), the Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ), the Front National (FN), Jobbik Movement for a Better Hungary (Jobbik), the UK Independence Party (UKIP), and the Vlaams Belang (VB) on Russia in the light of the Ukrainian crisis, in particularly the Crimean crisis. A focus will be placed on the radical right’s foreign policy agenda, and how this shaped their perspective towards Russia. In the past, the scholarship in this field has mostly ignored this topic in favour of analysing the internal dimension. Over the last couple years, the field has expanded to include external factors, such as Euroscepticism and Russophilia. However, most research chose to heavily feature anti- EU sentiments. Thus, questions regarding the relationship between Russia and the radical right remained unanswered. Through an analysis of party programs, voting patterns, and debates in the European Parliament, this thesis measures how and to what extend pro-Russian sentiments have manifested in the external dimension of the radical right. Additionally, patterns of pro-Russian and/or anti-Russian stances, are used to complement this analysis. Regardless of their attitude towards Russia, the findings suggest that the Russian Federation has recently started to appear on the radical right foreign policy agenda. In regard to the FN, the FPÖ, and Jobbik similar pragmatic and Eurosceptic arguments were brought forward to indicate a positive stance towards Russia. The VB supports some of these pragmatic principles as well, but generally perceives Russia in more neutral terms. Finally, those that are critical of the Russian Federation, primarily the AfD and UKIP, tend to use diverging reasons to support their view. As a consequence, patterns on radical right-Russia relations present a rather mixed perspective.
The framing of information warfare: a comparative analysis of Estonian and Irish online news media in 2014-2017
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Massa, Liis; Vilson, Maili, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
In recent years, information warfare has become one of the top priorities on the international security agenda. The significant rise of the respective threats originates from 2014, when Russia’s invasion and annexation of Crimea as well as Daesh’s extensive engagement in conventional and unconventional warfare caused the escalation of information war to an unprecedented scale. The severe threats of information warfare were recognised by the EU, NATO, and the Member States who have been developing defence mechanisms while emphasising the importance of social freedoms. Therefore, debates on the threats of information warfare in media, with a particular focus on digital media, have gained momentum. In turn, information warfare has also become a highly topical matter in media. Therefore, the thesis studies the framing of information warfare in Estonian and Irish online news media in 2014-2017 and interprets the differences and similarities in the media frames. The thesis employs articles on information warfare published in the three most visited Estonian and Irish online news media and applies the method of qualitative framing analysis. Three frames are identified in the media coverage of both countries: Russia-West confrontation frame, national security frame, and truth frame for Estonia, and national security frame, Russia-West confrontation frame, and technology and extremism frame for Ireland. The comparative analysis finds that the media frames reflect the different historical backgrounds of the countries, as the Estonian media frames tend to be politically more motivated to reinforce the hostility of Russia and call the Western democracies for unity. The second main difference in the frames is the coverage on extremism, principally on the example of Daesh, which was largely neglected in Estonian media for the perceived distance, but more covered in Irish media for relative closeness through the impact on the UK. Nevertheless, above all, the frames emphasised the common values and principles of the two countries.
Globalization and terrorism: a case study of Boko Haram in Nigeria
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Odogun, Akpos Francisca; McNamara, Eoin Micheál, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The accelerating growth of globalization has been attributed as the cause of change in warfare. Despite being regarded as a very significant development in the world, the integration of more economies has led to the decline of state monopoly of war and the rise in different non state actors. The impact of globalization according to anti-globalist is the cause of major problems of our time ranging from environmental degradation, loss of identity, intrastate war and terrorism. Terrorism is considered a growing fundamental concern to both national and international security. Although terrorism is not considered a new war, the method used by contemporary terrorist has been aided by the advancement of technology. Furthermore, it has been argued that weak/failing states are a breeding ground for terrorist organizations. The phenomenon “weak state” according to Newman (2007) “refers to a situation where central government has a poor capacity to control public order within its territory, is unable to consistently control its borders, cannot reliably maintain viable public institutions or services, and is vulnerable to extra-constitutional domestic challenges” (Newman, 2007:465). Most of these weak/failing states are found in Africa, South Asia and the Middle East. This study is a case study of Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria. Although Nigeria is not yet a failing state, it currently houses one of the deadliest terrorist group in the world. For years, Nigerian government and its security agencies have been combating the rise of the Islamic militant sect, Boko Haram. The sect which started as a small social group fighting for the poor and the oppressed in the society has grown into a menace that graces the headlines of both local and international news.
Regional empowerment, secessionism and European integration: the cases of Catalonia and Scotland
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Tunnel, Hanna; Ehin, Piret, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
One of the main challenges facing multicultural states in today's globalised world is accommodating the various diverse groups living within them. Especially complex are the claims of minority sub-state nations, which demand greater autonomy and in extreme cases want to separate. Recently several regionalist or nationalist movements have become more assertive, and there has emerged a new dimension to the matter – the movements envision independence within the European Union (EU). If a constituent region of an EU member state were to become independent, it would set a precedent. Thus, the aim of this thesis is to analyse the relationship between European integration and secessionism in multicultural states. Building on theoretical insights from multilevel governance, new regionalism and rational choice institutionalism, the thesis analyses the international environment created by European integration, the political and economic empowerment of regions in the EU since the Single European Act, as well as the mobilisation of subnational actors, which pursue their regional interests and demand more powers (including independence). The study is conducted using two cases, Catalonia and Scotland, and finds that they have rationally responded to their changed opportunity structures. Thus, the main result of the analysis is that European integration has strengthened secessionism in multinational states with sizeable geographically concentrated indigenous minority groups, by creating a favourable international environment for small states, and strengthening regions and subnational actors economically and politically.
Homophobia in the contemporary Russia: a queer postcolonial approach
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Ferreira Almeida, Caio; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis aims to investigate the phenomenon of contemporary homophobia in Russia as mutually inseparable foreign and domestic constitutive phenomenon as part of the complex interplay of Russian-West international relations. For this task, the thesis analyses homophobia through the lens of postcolonial framework and the queer critiques on notions of sovereignty as construction of sovereign knowable subject. The advantage of the postcolonial framework of analysis is precisely the possibility of a broad intersystem understanding of the phenomenon aligning domestic and systemic levels. The postcolonial is also particularly fruitful framework for case studies which deals inherently with the challenge to allow sufficient degree of generalisation that allows further comparisons and pays enough attention to the specific contextual location, postcolonial framework has enough degree of generalisation due to emphasis on the structure combined to sensitivity to the local context due to valorisation of local subject. In this context Russia should be seen as part of the postcolonial space, despite of fact Russia has never been formally occupied by any Western nation-state, Russia colonised itself on behalf of Europe in a self-orientalist process, since the Tsarist times Russia has an ambiguous relation with the West of being mutually othering and being othered by Europe. The analysis of public Russian discourses on LGBT issues in the last 15 years, surveys legal texts and NGO reports about the situation of mass persecution of LGBT people in Chechnya suggest that the foundations of contemporary homophobia are constituted in this complex dialectical interplay between subaltern and imperial aspects of Russian international relations. This situation of Russia as a former superpower in the recent past and then a state rendered as subaltern in the present in a Western hegemonic order leads to a perception of threat on its sovereignty, one key manifestation of this anxious with sovereignty is homophobia which represents to Russia not only a powerful symbol of negation of Western liberal normative order but also an attempt to subvert the chrononormative narrative of evolutionary development in which the West sits as the last point of evolution by setting the West as decadent and degenerated because of acceptance of homosexuality and Russia as the real guardian of the real European values, now lost in the real Europe.
For the health of the nation: comparing healthy lifestyle promotion strategies in Russia
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Miller, Nile; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The negative demographic trends that accompanied the collapse of the Soviet Union and continue to create uncertainty about Russia’s future have pushed the Russian state towards more direct involvement in the promotion of healthy lifestyle practices with the aim of increasing the population’s longevity and well-being. These efforts have intensified over the past decade as the state has begun to more actively intervene into the bodily habits of Russian citizens on many other fronts, including reproductive behavior and sexual orientation, in order to craft the “ideal” Russian subject and establish the boundaries of “normal” Russian behavior. Meanwhile, other actors throughout society, motivated by their own ideas about what constitutes proper conduct, have been developing alternative strategies to encourage Russians to pursue healthy lifestyles. This thesis examines the content of the official healthy lifestyle promotion strategy, deconstructing how it envisions the ideal Russian body and frames the necessity of leading a healthy lifestyle. It also analyzes some of the strategies that contest the official one, with the aim of finding out which aspects are contested and how, as well as discerning the common discursive threads that run through all of the strategies. The study draws on a broad base of materials, from official policy documents to social media communities, and seeks to understand how various actors throughout Russian society attempt to transform the bodily conduct of their fellow citizens. In doing so, it relies heavily on the insights of Michel Foucault and others about power, biopolitics, discipline, and resistance, which allow for a nuanced understanding of how official discourses about the body and the nation in Russia are contested and how they are reproduced. The analysis revealed the prevalence of several themes across all of the strategies, including the ruinous impact of non-Russian values, the corrupting effects of capitalism and consumerism, the hostility of the outside world towards Russia, the glory of Russia’s past, and the importance of maintaining traditional gender roles.
Populist foreign policy making by right-wing Eurosceptics in the European Parliament
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Siniloo, Gert; Braghiroli, Stefano, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Partisan narratives on the 2016 US presidential election: a critical geopolitical analysis of Russian interference
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Stanley, Rebecca Evangeline; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
As the Cold War drew to a close, the German sociologist Ulrich Beck coined the concept of reflexive modernization to describe the structural risks inadvertently produced by modernity’s progress. Through the approach of critical geopolitics, such risks radically began to transform traditional understanding of space and territory, allegedly deterritorializing traditional spatial structures, such as nation-states. However, scholars maintain that the process of reterritorialization, defined as the “inscription of new boundaries” reattaching space to “newly imagined visions of state, territory, and community,” cyclically follow deterritorialization (Albert 1991, 61; Ó Tuathail 1996, 230). Nevertheless, few scholars in the field of International Relations (IR), have seriously analyzed the process of reterritorialization. However, following the 2016 US presidential election, popular discourse in the US on Russian interference appeared to reterritorialize previously deterritorialized space, such as cyber and information space, by likening Russian hacks, leaks and collusion to the violation of the sovereign territory of the US. Thus, this thesis aims to research how US popular discourse reterritorializes Russian interference in the 2016 US presidential election, while comparing and contrasting the partisan narratives constructed in light of the political polarization of the US in recent years. To achieve this goal, a discourse analysis is conducted on storylines from 30 online news articles, from three right-wing and three left-wing media outlets. As hypothesized, the analysis confirms that both partisan narratives reterritorialize previously deterritorialized risks associated with reflexive modernization, transcribe the storylines into traditional US geopolitical culture, and call for assertive measures towards Russia which violated US territory, as well as towards internal Others, which weakened US territory.

Sirvi

Sirvi Rahvusvaheliste suhete ja regiooni uuringute õppekava magistritööd – Master´s theses Kuupäev järgi