Vormikasutuse varieerumine ning selle põhjused osastava ja sisseütleva käände näitel
Failid
Kuupäev
2019-07-04
Autorid
Ajakirja pealkiri
Ajakirja ISSN
Köite pealkiri
Kirjastaja
Abstrakt
Doktoritöös käsitletakse kaht eesti keele mitmesuguse vormistikuga käänet: osastavat ja sisseütlevat. Eesmärk on kirjeldada ja põhjendada nende käänete vormikasutust.
Leitakse, et vokaallõpulist osastavat eelistatakse ainsuses vokaal- ja t-lõpu (nt ema, jaanuari, kotletti), mitmuses vokaal- ja sid-lõpu (nt aegu, kordi, omi) ning vokaal- ja id-lõpu (nt eestlasi, kriteeriume, maastikke) varieerumisel. kõne-tüübis eelistatakse kirjakeele normingule vastavat t-lõppu (nt jumet, kilet, lohet), soolane-tüübis ainsat normingupärast id-lõppu (nt vaeseid, viimaseid, soolaseid) ning pesa-tüübi vähem sagedate sõnadega sid-lõppu (avasid, palasid, pesasid).
Mitmuse osastava sid-lõppu kasutatakse harvem esinevate sõnadega, nt esseesid, menüüsid, nunnasid. Sagedamate sõnadega eelistatakse vokaal- või id-lõppu, nt ideid, omi, puid. Mõne sõna puhul võib olla tüvevokaali valik keeruline ja seetõttu valitakse sid-lõpp, nt avasid, palasid, pesasid. si- ja sid-lõpu varieerumisel eelistatakse si-lõppu peamiselt argikeelsete sõnadega, nt imagesi, kallasi, mersusi.
Ainsuse sisseütleva vormikasutuse kohta selgub, et rohkem kasutatakse lühikest sisseütlevat. Tuuakse välja üldised tendentsid, et pikk sisseütlev on eelistatum III-välteliste ilma astmevahelduseta sõnadega (nt bussipeatusesse, haigevoodisse, põuetaskusse), III-välteliste ne- ja s-lõpuliste sõnadega (nt ajaloolisesse, alajaotusesse, algusesse), rektsioonistruktuurides (nt asjasse puutuma, loosse suhtuma, hinnasõjasse uskuma) ning pärisnimedega, täpsemalt isiku- ja kohanimedega (nt Mägisse, Pärnusse, Tartusse). Lühike sisseütlev on eelistatum III-välteliste astmevahelduslike sõnadega (nt aeda, kirjanduslikku, läände), I- ja II-välteliste ne- ja s-lõpuliste sõnadega (nt ajakirjandusse, alumisse, arendamisse), püsiühendites (nt pähe hakkama, meelde tulema, põhja kõrbema) ning üldnimelistes koha- ja seisundifraasides, kehaosanimetustega (nt koju, vabadusse, kurku).
Lisaks vormivalikute kirjeldusele pakub väitekiri neile ka põhjendusi ning käsitleb eri andmekogumispõhimõtteid ja meetodeid eesti morfoloogia uurimiseks.
The aim of this thesis is to describe what kind of allomorphs of the partitive and illative case are preferred in modern Estonian and what the reasons for those preferences are. For this purpose, corpus data was used to compare parallel forms. Both the cases where the two variants are correct by the Estonian literary standard, as well as the cases where only one variant is considered correct, were examined. Regarding the partitive, it is concluded that the vocal ending is more often preferred. For example, the singular vocal is preferred over the -t ending (e.g. jaanuari rather than jaanuarit ‘January’), the plural vocal is preferred to the -sid ending (e.g. aegu rather than aegasid ‘time’), the vocal is preferred to the -id ending (e.g. eestlasi instead of eestlaseid ‘Estonian’). Only in the kõne type, the -t ending is used more (e.g. jumet rather than jume ‘complexion’) and in the soolane type the -id ending is preferred (e.g. vaeseid rather than vaesi ‘poor’). It turns out that the plural partitive -sid ending is used with less frequent words, e.g. esseesid instead of esseid ‘essay’. In the variation of plural partitive -si and -sid ending, the -si ending is preferred in very few cases, e.g. the slang word kallasi rather than kallasid ‘darling’. Usage of the singular illative form reveals that the short illative forms are more often used. In general, the long illative is preferred with third-degree words without gradation (e.g. bussipeatusesse instead of bussipeatusse ‘bus stop’), third-degree ne- and s-final words (e.g. ajaloolisesse rather than ajaloolisse ‘historical’), government structures (e.g. loosse suhtuma insead of lukku suhtuma ‘to relate to a story’) and proper names (e.g. Tartusse instead of Tartu). The short illative is more often preferred with third-degree words with gradation (e.g. aeda rather than aiasse ‘garden’), first- and second-degree ne- and s-final words (e.g. ajakirjandusse instead of ajakirjandusesse ‘press’), multi-word expressions (e.g. meelde tulema rather than meelesse tulema ‘to remind’) and in common noun place and state phrases, as well as body part words (e.g. koju rather than kodusse ‘home’). In addition to describing form usage of the partitive and illative, the dissertation provides reasons for their usage variation and discusses different data selection principles and methods for studying Estonian morphology.
The aim of this thesis is to describe what kind of allomorphs of the partitive and illative case are preferred in modern Estonian and what the reasons for those preferences are. For this purpose, corpus data was used to compare parallel forms. Both the cases where the two variants are correct by the Estonian literary standard, as well as the cases where only one variant is considered correct, were examined. Regarding the partitive, it is concluded that the vocal ending is more often preferred. For example, the singular vocal is preferred over the -t ending (e.g. jaanuari rather than jaanuarit ‘January’), the plural vocal is preferred to the -sid ending (e.g. aegu rather than aegasid ‘time’), the vocal is preferred to the -id ending (e.g. eestlasi instead of eestlaseid ‘Estonian’). Only in the kõne type, the -t ending is used more (e.g. jumet rather than jume ‘complexion’) and in the soolane type the -id ending is preferred (e.g. vaeseid rather than vaesi ‘poor’). It turns out that the plural partitive -sid ending is used with less frequent words, e.g. esseesid instead of esseid ‘essay’. In the variation of plural partitive -si and -sid ending, the -si ending is preferred in very few cases, e.g. the slang word kallasi rather than kallasid ‘darling’. Usage of the singular illative form reveals that the short illative forms are more often used. In general, the long illative is preferred with third-degree words without gradation (e.g. bussipeatusesse instead of bussipeatusse ‘bus stop’), third-degree ne- and s-final words (e.g. ajaloolisesse rather than ajaloolisse ‘historical’), government structures (e.g. loosse suhtuma insead of lukku suhtuma ‘to relate to a story’) and proper names (e.g. Tartusse instead of Tartu). The short illative is more often preferred with third-degree words with gradation (e.g. aeda rather than aiasse ‘garden’), first- and second-degree ne- and s-final words (e.g. ajakirjandusse instead of ajakirjandusesse ‘press’), multi-word expressions (e.g. meelde tulema rather than meelesse tulema ‘to remind’) and in common noun place and state phrases, as well as body part words (e.g. koju rather than kodusse ‘home’). In addition to describing form usage of the partitive and illative, the dissertation provides reasons for their usage variation and discusses different data selection principles and methods for studying Estonian morphology.
Kirjeldus
Väitekirja elektrooniline versioon ei sisalda publikatsioone
Märksõnad
morfoloogia (keelet.), käänamine, eesti keel