Rahvusvaheliste suhete õppekava magistritööd – Master's theses

Selle kollektsiooni püsiv URIhttps://hdl.handle.net/10062/50124

Kuni 2015.a. Riigiteaduste Instituut

Sirvi

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Väikeriigi bilateraalse arengukoostöö motiividest julgeolekupoliitilises kontekstis Eesti ja Soome näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2011) Einre, Henrik; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja
This master’s thesis compares some of the main differences which rise from the comparison of security political discourses of Estonia and Finland. Specifically, certain aspects which concern the importance of development policy and cooperation within or connected to the security political discourses of the respective countries are compared. The difference which gave reason to write this thesis is to do with the choice of recipient countries of Estonia and Finland. These two states are in very close proximity to each other and are situated in the same geopolitical region, facing a shared potential source of threat. Despite of that, their choice of bilateral cooperation partners is very different. Finland has already a long tradition of giving foreign aid to certain African, Asian and South-American countries, while Estonia’s development aid is directed to former Eastern bloc countries such as the Ukraine, Georgia and Belarus among others. The significant difference in the list of recipient countries for foreign aid gave reason to investigate the motives behind the decisions to choose these particular countries. The first chapter of this thesis introduces different theoretical approaches which, describe the motives of development cooperation and securitization. Also different theories from the field of international relations are explained in order to strengthen the theoretical base. Among others more attention is paid to neorealist and (social-) constructivist influences. In addition to these also the differences of small and large states, specifically their security political behaviour is highlighted. Some newer and relevant theoretical connections between security and development are introduced in the second half of this chapter in order to emphasise the close connection between these two fields of investigation. One of these connections has been named „security development nexus“(SDN) and has influenced scientific approaches which analyze these two subjects concurrently since the beginning of the 21st century, hence it is a rather new approach. In the second chapter one introduces the methodological tool that is used to analyze the cases of Estonia and Finland. The methodological tool is discourse analysis, namely critical discourse analysis (CDA) with a focus on the formation and construction of official political discourses. Discourse analysis was chosen because it does not merely focus on the construction of texts but it forms a bridge between texts and their social context. CDA was also seen as an appropriate method because one of its purposes is to highlight the connections between language and power or the use of language in power relations. In the end of the theoretical part of this paper, three research questions are constructed. Two of the questions are set to find out country specific models of discursive characteristics for both Estonia and Finland. The third question is more analytical and by comparing the different discursive nuances tries to look behind the reasons why the discourses of Estonia and Finland are relatively different. In the last two empirical chapters of this thesis CDA is applied to the cases of Estonia and Finland to reveal the interdiscursivity or the shared parts of the security and cooperation-political discourses. The texts that are analyzed for these purposes include white papers or official security policy documents; official regulatory documents of development policy and official press releases from foreign and defence ministries over the period of 1998-2011. This period includes several changes in the respective discourses mostly because of global events which have brought along discursive changes. These kinds of events include the aftershocks of 9/11 and the war between Russia and Georgia in 2008; some references are also made to the global economic recession which started in 2008. The analysis and comparison of the official texts reveals that the security political discourses of Estonia and Finland are built on relatively different grounds. The Finnish discourse is based on the self-contained capability of guaranteeing the security of Finland while being a relatively neutral country which is not even a member of NATO and is mostly concerned with regional stability. Estonia, on the contrary, has tried to integrate into almost every European and North-Atlantic security and economic organization with the purpose of finding allies and stronger partners who would help to guarantee its security in case it is needed. A shared theme in the security political discourses of both countries is definitely Russia. Explicitly Russia is usually depicted as a somewhat unstable neighbour whose actions need to be under close attention but it is not described as an immediate source of threat. Implicitly, both Estonia and Finland see Russia as a dangerous source of multiple risks, ranging from political influences to military threats. Estonia’s discourse concerning Russia is more explicit, harsher and more straightforward than that of Finland, where Russia is seen definitely as a source of threats but it is not so clearly expressed. Due to these differences development cooperation also has a different role to play in the cases of Estonia and Finland. The analysis shows that in the Estonian case, development cooperation is subordinated to the security political discourse and is quite directly used as a tool to assure the security of Estonia. The motives behind this kind of construction of the security political discourse include sharing the values with global allies, strengthening weaker allies and parrying potential threats. The proof for this stems from the choice of recipient countries and also specific fields and projects into which the aid is directed, which tend to have quite a close connection with the security of the recipient country. One important pattern that becomes apparent through the comparison of these two countries is the flexibility and reaction speed to international events that could cause shifts in the security discourse. For example Estonia saw cyber and energy risks as potential threats to security already years before Finland, and proof for that can be found in the official documents. In the Finnish case, development cooperation stands apart from the security political discourse and its main motives are aimed at fulfilling the Millennium Development Goals (MDG) and providing an efficient soil for investments in the recipient countries. The choice of recipient countries and specific projects no doubt supports that claim because most of the recipient countries where Finnish aid is directed are situated in Africa and are even geographically too far for Finland to have any security interests in them.
Mõttekodade India ja Pakistani tuumarelvadealase diskursuse sõltuvus nende ideoloogilisest suunitlusest Heritage Foundationi ja Brookings Institutioni näitel 1994-2003
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Eenlo, Erik; Toomla, Rein, juhendaja
The aim of this thesis is to test the preferred ideological positions of think-tanks against empirical material. For this purpose i have chosen the Heritage Foundation and the Brookings Institution as examples of think-tanks. These two think-tanks were chosen due to their mainstream reputation and distinguishable ideological positions as well as the existence of teams of analysts dealing with international relations issues. The time period under research is 1994-2003 which i have divided into three: 1994-1997, 1998-1999, 2000-2003. I have decided to name the years 1998-1999 the period of crisis because in May 1998 India and Pakistan signalled themselves as established nuclear powers by conducting several nuclear tests. Even though the two countries have had crises prior and after 1998, those have largely been regional in their nature. From international and security-related perspectives, the 1998 crisis had a global effect on the perceptions and approaches of the international community and public opinion in general. The empirical material consists of 71 texts of different types. Taking into consideration the aspirations of both think-tanks stated on their websites (www.brookings.edu, www.heritage.org) and given that both think-tanks strive to offer policy advice to the US, i think it is proper to test the ideological compliance of statements written in the texts by their analysts on nuclear India and Pakistan through the usage of the concept of the leading role of the US. Filtering the texts by how the analysts from the two think-tanks see the role of the United States in dealing with the threat posed by nuclear armed India and Pakistan and highlighting what they advocate will help me ascertain whether in fact the think-tanks comply with what they preach. To summarize, the positions advocated by the Heritage Foundation are as follows: - The importance of maintaining US superiority on both the conventional and the nuclear front - The preservation of US sovereignty and freedom of action in foreign policy - Continuation of the fight against the proliferation of nuclear weapons - Enforcement of US power and influence on occasions of nuclear crises The positions advocated by the Brookings Institution are as follows: - The leading role of the US should find expression in its commitment to assist others in resolving common security problems and in adapting to changed power relations - The US needs to make an effort to take the seemingly uncontrollable process of nuclear proliferation under its control and ensure that existing nuclear weapons states become responsible - The US must back up the NNPT regime with all of its authority but at the same time understand that due to the hypocritical nature of the NNPT treaty certain exemptions regarding other states are sensible - US policy on nuclear armed states must be based on a case-specific and realistic approach - Stable international relations are important for the US; hence the country should take upon itself the leading role in solving security problems in order to deprive others of motives for the acquisition of nuclear weapons In the process of comparing the texts to the preferred ideological positions of the two think-tanks an index will be used for estimation. For both think-tanks the same 5 point scale of 0-4 will be used. In the case of the Heritage Foundation, values 3-4 will show compliance with ideological positions, 0-1 will show non-compliance and 2 dearth of information. In the case of the Brookings Institution, values 0-1 will show compliance with ideological positions, 3-4 non-compliance and 2 dearth of information. In the process of comparing texts against ideal ideological positions of the two think-tanks, three hypotheses have been formulated for testing: 1) The preferred ideological positions of the two think-tanks should be reflected in the texts written by their analysts on nuclear armed India and Pakistan from the perspective of the leading role of the US 2) The texts written on Pakistan by analysts from the Heritage Foundation are more in line with its ideological positions than those written on India; No such difference should exist regarding the texts written by analysts from the Brookings Institution 3) The texts written on both countries during the crisis period of 1998-1999 should be more in line with ideological positions than the texts written during the subsequent 2000-2003 period In general, if the texts contained sufficient information on the leading role of the United States on the nuclear weapons that India and Pakistan possess, the texts were mostly in compliance with the ideological positions of the two think-tanks. However, in the case of Brookings Institution, a considerable portion of the texts (50% for Pakistan and 59% for India did not contain sufficient amount of information on this issue). The implications for the Brookings Institution behind these numbers could be that the leading role of the US is not something their analysts are convinced in promoting. Secondly, we cannot speak of any ideological control or constraining framework from the part of the think-tank on its analysts. The figures do not confirm the second hypothesis. In general, however, the discourse of both the Heritage Foundation and the Brookings Institution over India is different from their discourse on Pakistan. The attitude of the Heritage Foundation analysts was harsher on Pakistan whereas representatives of the Brookings Institution remained more even-handed and objective while outlining some reasons for different approaches towards two different countries with a similar problem – nuclear weapons. Unfortunately too few texts were written during the pre-crisis period on Pakistan’s and India’s nuclear capabilities to conclude anything about that particular period. Hypothesis 3 was overwhelmingly supported by empirical material. The discourse on both Pakistan and India is moving away from the ideological positions of the Heritage Foundation during the 2000-2003 period while being firmly in line with those positions during the crisis period. In the case of the Brookings Institution, the statements in the texts do not move away from its ideological positions during the 2000-2003 period, rather there is a significant amount of texts that simply do not contain enough material for making an estimation on the leading role of the US on nuclear armed India and Pakistan. I conclude that sticking to its ideological positions during a crisis period might be a good thing to do but in the long run the dogmatic ideological positions of the Heritage Foundation might constitute a hindrance to achieving the goals this think-tank holds dear. That is in my opinion the reason behind the ideological confusion that is reflected from the texts by analysts of the Heritage Foundation during the period 2000-2003. The texts written by the analysts of the Brookings Institution, on the other hand, reveal the fact that if they decide to write about nuclear armed India and Pakistan and give advice to the US, they generally do so in accordance with their ideological principles. However, there are cases when writing about India and Pakistan on nuclear issues, the leading role of the US is not highlighted. The reason behind this is their ambivalent attitude towards nuclear states and the leading role of the US in general. The representatives of the Brookings Institution do not see that the United States has the moral high ground or the leverage to prevent the emergence of new nuclear powers. Therefore, they do not highlight what for them seems a US leading role lacking right and influence. In conclusion, in times of a nuclear crisis similar to the one that shook the world in May 1998, we can expect the same pattern of behaviour from the Brookings Institution and the Heritage Foundation.
Ukraina julgeolekustamine Euroopa Liidu ametlikus diskursuses
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Raaper, Madis; Mälksoo, Maria, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Ukraine has been independent now for over 20 years, but it still has many issues to resolve in order to be a fully democratic country. Historically, Ukraine has been a part of the Austria-Hungarian Empire and also of the Soviet Union, so it has been influenced by both – Western and Eastern cultures. After the collapse of communism, Ukraine declared its independence and so began the long road towards recovering its own identity. After the Orange revolution it seemed like the country is heading down the path European Union wished for – democracy and a state governed by law. But as the elected president Viktor Yushchenko did not enjoy a truly successful term, Viktor Yanukovych was voted to be his successor in 2010. After his appointment as the president of Ukraine, there has been a slow decline concerning human rights, and a silencing of the political opposition. The ongoing case with Yulia Tymoshenko has diminished European Union’s belief in Ukrainian authorities and postponed the signing of the Association Agreement between two powers. For the European Union, Ukraine is very important for many reasons. Firtly, concerning energy security, as Ukraine is the most important gas transit country and therefore a security concern if anything should happen to the transit route again, as it happened in January 2009. Secondly, as Ukraine has an extensive land border with the EU, it is also important that the country shared EU’s visions and understandings about the importance of human rights and democratic values. Ukraine is the leading country whose citizens are sent back from the EU borders, so illegal immigration and human trafficking are also priorities which need to be dealt with. All the reasons mentioned above make Ukraine a key partner. Ukraine is one of the targeted countries in European Neighbourhood Policy, which sets goals and recommendations for reform in many key areas. Established and effective bilateral relations with the aim of deepening the economic co-operation, are the main targets for the European Community. So all in all, Ukraine with its size and role in energy policy is a country that cannot be afforded to be overlooked by the EU. The aim of this thesis is to analyze the key areas and topics concerning Ukraine which are being securitized in the EU’s official discourse. The goal is to find out why the European Union has chosen specific areas for securitization in its official discourse, which includes key speeches and important documents, which also make recommendations and demands for both parties – Ukraine and the European Union. Thesis follows the concept of securitization first introduced by the Copenhagen School. It is a process-oriented theory where at the centre is the speech act concept, which can be either in form of a request, warning or a claim. The process of securitization firstly needs a referent object or in other words something that has a legal claim to survive when facing an existential threat. Secondly, there must be a securitizing actor who or what makes the securitizing move. Finally, there has to be an audience that is influenced and persuaded to perceive that the referent object is being threatened and something must be done to counter the threat. The methodology is based on Lene Hansen’s concept of discourse analysis and her first model of intertextuality, where only the official discourse is being researched. The official discourse includes key speeches by important politicians like the presidents of the European Parliament and the European Commission, also by commissioners and representatives. The documents between the EU and Ukraine, that establish the official relationship between the two sides, are for example the European Neighbourhood Policy Action Plan Ukraine and the Country Strategy Paper for Ukraine 2007 – 2013. The timeframe for this thesis is 2005 – 2011, period from the adoption of the Action Plan until the EU – Ukraine summit in December 2011. After the careful analysis of key documents and speeches, the main findings were the following: 1. The European Union uses securitization mainly when talking about Ukraine as a gas transit country. The energy crisis in 2009 left a strong mark on the entire European Community, so it is important to avoid this happening ever again. Process-oriented securitization concept helps to raise this topic to the higher politics, thus making sure that everybody listens to the speaker or in other words - the securitizing actors. 2. Illegal immigration, ineffective border control and violation of human rights are also extremely important topics for the European Union, as it considers itself to be the protector of the European community alongside with its rights and thus wants to control Ukraine’s actions in these areas. Illegal immigration destabilizes the borders and as it often brings along crime and human trafficking, it needs to be avoided at any cost. Therefore, the solution is to enhance the border control capabilities and train more experts, who are qualified to deal with this problem. Human rights are the core for the European identity and for the entire European Union. The current imprisonment of Yulia Tymoshenko serves as a negative example of the human rights violation for the entire world to see. The EU does not want to have a neighbour, who does not support democratic values and the right to free speech, as they define freedom and democracy. 3. In their speeches, political leaders point out the need for establishing even stronger ties with the Ukrainian leaders, since it is vital for a successful co-operation in dealing with energy import, stable gas transit system and improving democracy including human rights. The constant and undisrupted flow of gas is extremely important for the EU, as many member states obtain the gas that arrives from Ukraine. But on the same time the European Union cannot stand by and do nothing while political opposition is being suppressed. Therefore many politicians are willing to co-operate only when certain conditions are fulfilled, including Ukraine adopting European core values as free speech and a fair and strong legal system. 4. The most common speech act in the securitization process when talking about Ukraine is claim. Warning and request can also be found, but not as often. In conclusion, after looking into the process of securitization in the European Union’s official discourse for Ukraine, it is clear that its foreign policy is connected with the questions of energy, stable gas transit system and human rights with democratic values. Ukraine is a very important partner for the EU, as both parties have signed treaties and documents, concerning increasing co-operation. Ukraine is one of the target countries in the European Neighbourhood Policy, having adopted an Action Plan. The bilateral relations and co-operation is important for the stability in the entire region and for its growth and development. The securitization of Ukraine in the European Union’s official discourse reflects also the self portrait of the EU as the dominant force in the region. The European identity includes the promotion of human rights, the protection of European values and tolerance, but also the capability to control its dependence on the import of gas and energy and as the leading power to securitize areas which are inadequate or insufficient according to the European Union’s self perception. As the current situation in Ukraine is not satisfactory for the EU, it is also important to find a solution in the near future between the two powers. It is also essential to adopt the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement, because it states the future relations. This agreement would be an excellent source for future analysis between the EU and Ukraine.
Eesti teaduspoliitika euroopastumine: avatud koordinatsioonimeetodi rakendamine
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Vainik, Mikk; Ehin, Piret, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The aim of this Master’s thesis is to foster the academic discussion on Europeanization by focusing on the mechanisms of Europeanization in policy areas governed by so-called soft law instead of the acquis communautaire. This is in line with the recent trend of increasing voluntary coordination and integration in policy fields that deriving from the principle of subsidiarity would otherwise lie only with the member states. More specifically, the thesis asks what kind of mechanisms should one anticipate to function in soft law governance. Additionally, the paper seeks to find answers to questions such as whether and why europeanization occurs in Estonian research policy, thus completing the set of questions usually anticipated in Europeanization research. The thesis is a a qualitative case study on the Europeanization of Estonia’s Research Policy, which is minimally regulated by the acquis --- instead, the main mechanism of Europeanization in this area is the open method of coordination (OMC), a voluntary learning tool introduced for governing EU research policy at the Lisbon Summit in 2000. The theoretical part of the paper builds on the recent literature on Europeanization mechanisms and new institutionalism. Europeanization is introduced as a concept and an analytical framework. Radaelli’s (2000) famous definition of Europeanization as EU influence on ‚ways of doing things‘ in different member states settings is used as a background in which different mechanisms are thought to be at work. Following Börzel and Radaelli among other influential writers, the list of mechanisms studied includes, among others experiential learning, socializing, problem-solving, conflict resolution, veto players, uploading and downloading policies and a number of mechanisms specific to the Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) countries borrowed from Grabbe. It is anticipated that while having certain and well-studied effects during the nineties, the choice – and in some cases also the meaning – of mechanisms has substantially changed due to the different nature of soft law in comparison with the acquis. The analysis of europeanisation mechanisms is complemented by a study of new institutionalism as the theory mostly used in recent Europeanization research. This trend is explained by the fact that more traditional International Relations (IR) theories were unable to explain the rush of integration that followed the enactment of the Single European Act (SEU) in 1986. Instead, the importance of institutions rose to the center of Europeanization research. As is well known, there are many strands of new institutionalism, namely rational choice (RCI), sociological (SI) and historical (HI). The biggest difference between these is whether actors follow the logic of consequentiality (RCI) or the logic of appropriateness (SI). Following Jupille et al (2003), it is demonstrated that the strands, although different, have potential for dialogue that could provide better answers to the why states integrate or not. For the purposes of this study, historical institutionalism that allows the interplay of both logics (consequentiality and appropriateness) is anticipated to explain the Europeanization of Estonian research policy sufficiently. This rationale has many reasons. Among the more important ones is the ability of HI studies to show and explain first of all the genesis of the certain policy field and of the context in which Europeanization is expected to manifest itself. Additionally, scholarly articles on EU enlargement have shown that while RCI arguments may have been more important in earlier rounds of enlargement, then the accession of CEE countries to the EU has been dominated by constructivist logic of appropriateness. Taken together, the Europeanization framework and a synthesis of different new institutionalist strands provided a number of expectations to be empirically tested. The choice of qualitative case study as the most suitable methodology for such a research question follows the overall trends concerning the usefulness of case study as such and the frequent implementation of the method in Europeanization research. The use of the OMC in the Europeanization of Estonian research policy was chosen as case because of its potentially strong ties with the expectations lined out in the preceding part. These include, among others, the interplay of RCI and SI logics, the rising importance of learning and socialising in integration based on soft law, the low importance of EU as gate-keeper and the continual importance of EU Money. Owing to the nature of case study research and HI expectations, the empirical chapter begings by explaining the emergence of research policy into the EU as well as Estonian agendas and the state of the art until early 2000s, when the Lisbon Strategy was originally launched and the policy field was opened to a number of Europeanization mechanisms. Thereafter the rise and character of the OMC is discussed along with an explanation of the mechanisms it is supposed to operate with. The analysis and discussion about the implementation of OMC and the relevant mechanisms is based on extensive documentary research, including but not limited to EU treaties, Council Conclusions, EU Commission communications, documents of the bodies committees, groups) in charge of realising EU research policy goals (most notably those of European Research Area Committee, formerly CREST and the Lisbon Expert Group), the peer-reviews of Estonia’s research, development, technology and innovation policy mixes conducted via the OMC in 2007 and 2012 respectively and relevant Estonian national strategies. Additionally, comments in the form of interviews or in writing were asked from Estonian officials and a peer-reviewer that were actively involved in at least one of the peer-reviews. The results were somewhat surprising. It appears that while soft law is the only way any meaningful Europeanization could occur in the field of research policy, soft law has not invited much integration. It is true that the EU has invited co-operation in this field and the creation of a European Research Area has also been mentioned in the Lisbon Treaty, but at least Estonia is quite reluctant to contribute to the overall goals. The EU is conceived as a means to an end which is to promote the competitiveness of Estonia rather than to worry about the overall output of the Union. This reflects well in the choice of europeanization mechanisms. While mutual learning is valued, the choice of lessons represents what Estonia itself feels as important. The EU peer-review may be distinguished, but so is any foreign aid from well-renowned partners. The results may be used, but only if it felt that both Estonian research and economy are served. In fact, the low extent of europeanisation largely stems from the fact that research itself is a means for the sake of better economic output and effort towards EU goals is less important due to the small size of Estonia compared to larger and more influential economies. Thus it is concluded that while most of the usual europeanisation mechanisms are at work in a policy field dominated by soft law, those allowing the customization of EU effect are chosen by Estonia. At the same time, EU is widening the choice of top-down mechanisms step by step. The application of Europeanization mechanisms is in line with both – the logic of appropriateness and the logic of consequentiality – thus justifying the choice of historical institutionalism as the theoretical framework of this Masters’ thesis.
Konsensusliku setsessiooni tingimustele vastavuse analüüs: Sudaani ja Serbia-Montenegro liitriigi lagunemise näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Nimmo, Maarika; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
States have been in the centre of international relations for many centuries now and the number of states has almost doubled during the 21st century. There are many ways for states to come about – one of them is secession. Secession designates a process, where a territory, usually expressed by the permanent population, withdraws from a sovereign state with the aim of forming a new independent sovereign state. There are many theoretical viewpoints on secession, which can be divided mainly into two – unilateral secession and consensual secession. This thesis focuses on consensual secession, which literally means that the parent state is willing to let go of a seceding entity. The first part of the thesis gave an overview of the theoretical background of secession. It described, how secession as a term in international relations is connected to state sovereignty, territorial integrity and to the right of self-determination. The theoretical part gave an overview of unilateral secession, in order to differentiate it from consensual secession, which was analysed subsequently. The last part of the theoretical part focused on the procedural framework and described in turn the conditions that form the framework. The procedural framework was based on the framework constructed by Miodrag A. Jovanović, but in the current thesis the framework was expanded and other conditions were added. The procedural framework that was composed listed the following conditions: the existence of a constitution or an agreement; a right to initiate the secession procedure; a waiting period between two secession procedures; a referendum with a majority threshold, a minimum turn-out requirement, a clearly posed question, conditions for eligibility to vote and accurate certification of results; divided territory between the entities; divided resources between the entities and divided debt between the entities; the willingness of the parent state; the approval of the international community. Most importantly the methodological part of the thesis formulated the hypothesis of the research project and gave values to the variables that were analysed in the empirical part. The hypothesis was: the break up of Serbia-Montenegro is more consistent with consensual secession requirements than Sudan-South Sudan’s case. The variables were the conditions of the procedural framework. The empirical part was divided into two. The first part analysed the case of Serbia and Montenegro secession and the second part analysed the Sudan and South Sudan secession. In both cases the procedural framework was the basis for the analysis as the conditions of the framework were analysed separately in both cases. The Montenegrin secession from Serbia can be summarized according to the framework as follows. There existed a constitution that determined the relations between the entities, called the Constitutional Charter. The Charter also included a clause for the right to initiate a secession procedure, referendum. There was also stipulated that a waiting period of three years must be between the adoption of the charter and conducting a referendum. The referendum was planned according to the laws but the Referendum Law was adopted just a month and a half before the referendum took place. It can be seen, that the referendum was planned but the exact date of the referendum was determined in the late phase. There was stipulated a qualified majority threshold of 55% for the referendum to succeed. In the end there was 55,54% of those opting for secession. There was also a minimum turnout requirement of 50%. In the end 86,4% of the electorate participated, which was a high rate. The question put on to referendum was assessed as a clear one. There were also clear conditions for the eligibility to vote, as voting rights were enjoyed only by the citizens of Montenegro. The results of the referendum were assessed to have been made public accurately. The territory, resources and debt are divided by the entities, Serbia and Montenegro. The willingness of the parent state, Serbia, was mostly achieved before the process and the international community was mainly in favour of the secession. The South Sudan’s secession from Sudan can be summarized according to the framework as follows. There was a document that determined the relations between the entities, it was a peace agreement called Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). The agreement ended the long civil war in the country and laid down a framework for the future. The CPA also included a right for South Sudan to initiate a secession procedure. There was also stipulated an interim period in the agreement, that was six years and that a referendum must be held a half a year before the end of that period. The referendum therefore was planned quite early and with an exact date. For the success of the referendum, there was required a simple majority of 50% + 1 vote in favour of secession. In the end 98,5% of the people who voted were in favour of secession. There was also stipulated a minimum turnout requirement of 60%. This requirement was also passed as 97,58% of registered voters participated in the referendum. The question (a choice in South Sudan’s case) put to referendum was in brief assessed as clear. There were clear conditions for the eligibility to vote, as voting rights were enjoyed only by people with South Sudan’s origin. The results of the referendum were assessed to have been made public accurately. The territory, resources and debt are not divided by Sudan and South Sudan. These issues are a source of conflict between the states. The willingness of the parent state, Sudan, was mostly achieved during the process and the international community was in favour of the secession. The analysis of the results outlined the main similarities and differences between the two secession cases. It was concluded that many conditions related to the referendum were handled similarly in both cases. There were slight differences in the majority threshold and minimum turnout requirement conditions, although conditions themselves were apparent in both cases. The biggest differences between the cases are related to the division of territory, resources and debt. When Serbia and Montenegro have mainly settled these issues calmly, Sudan and South Sudan face serious challenges during the writing of this thesis in spring 2012, as many commentators warn of the possibility of war. The formulated hypothesis stating that the breakup of Serbia and Montenegro is more consistent with consensual secession requirements than the case of Sudan and South Sudan was therefore confirmed. Montenegrin case fulfils more or less all the conditions set out in the procedural framework but South Sudan’s case does not. The conditions that are not met by South Sudan are a source of conflict between South Sudan and Sudan. The procedural framework that was composed in the theoretical part therefore reflects the actual situations in these states and adding conditions to the base model has been justified. It stems that the procedural framework has a normative character. It is concluded that the successful attempt to widen the procedural framework for secession has been made, but the framework still needs to be tested more thoroughly and on a bigger number of cases.
Political cooperation and international environmental governance in the Baltic Sea region after World War II
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Kelder, Taavi; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Today, global environmental problems have become one of the most important international issues. The current Master’s thesis is about international environmental and political cooperation in the Baltic Sea Region after World War II. The Baltic Sea is surrounded by nine states and the degradation of the marine environment of the Baltic Sea has become a common problem. However, international environmental cooperation depends on many political factors: financial support, international organizations, attitude of states, international law and status of environmental issues in the international arena. The Master’s thesis focuses on different forms of political cooperation which have influenced international governance in the Baltic Sea area. These forms of political cooperation include the Cold War political situation, the division between the East and the West, increased cooperation after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Helsinki Commission and the European Union. International environmental cooperation needs appropriate political environment where states around a sea have incentives and will to protect the environment. The Baltic Sea is a good example of international governance of maritime environment.
Rahvusvaheliste suhete teooriad Lakatosi teaduslikus uurimisprogrammis: reflektiivsete julgeolekuteooriate programmiline paigutus ja progressiivsus
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Luht, Lauri; Toomla, Rein, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The current thesis purpose is to search for an answer in which scientific methodological framework the International Relations theories, more specifically, contemporary reflectivist security theories should be observed in order to claim them scientifically useful. The aim of the thesis is to offer a Lakatosian methodology of scientific research programmes for this framework. For testing the validity of the claim, six reflectivist theories (alternative security theory, third world security theory, the Copenhagen securitization theory, critical theory and feminism) are chosen on a basis of Steve Smith article where he proposes these theories to be observed as a part of new security interpretation paradigm. The thesis starts off with a synthesis of different requirements a scientific theory must possess. In order to be claimed scientific the nature of what is being according to Ernest Nagel presented must be a systematical search for explanations, it has to elaborate the systems and different phenomena, evaluate the different conflicts which occur in order to create universality, be determining and separating from everyday interpretations, find inter-relations and compatibility neglecting values possessed by humans and must be a search for explaining hypothesis to test the existing patterns. Science should in addition be justifying and predicting – therefore useful. Furthermore, a scientific theory should carry some essential values in order to be claimed scientific. These values are conservativeness, consistency with the preceding theories, modesty in its claims, simplicity, generality and fallibility. Taking these requirements into account, the usefulness of science would remain undiscovered as this criteria is not enough. That is why there are metatheoretical or methodological frameworks for science for to better evaluate foremost its usefulness. The first scientific methodologist being under observation is Karl Popper with its falsification as a scientific demarcation criteria and his scepticism towards empirical inductive method which seeks to find proof for each theory in every observation. The second methodologist under observation is Thomas Kuhn who suggests that science moves in a revolutionary motion whereas there are cycles of “normal” science which is followed by proliferation of theories, then revolution and a new period of normal science. Kuhn explains that these processes do not have any positivist or deductive basis and purely depend on a subjective preference of the scientific community or scientists. Thus, evaluating the science of the theories does not depend on the construction on deductive basis and their fallibility, but entirely on preference. The third methodologist under observation is Imre Lakatos who presented a methodology of scientific research programmes. Although, Lakatos is more in favour of Popperian standards and rejects the interpretation of Kuhn, he constructs a new form of falsification model which he calls “sophisticated falsification” opposed to Popper’s naïve falsification. The interpretation of the theories’ heuristics, according to what theories might construct a research programme, stands in the core of his methodology. In addition, Lakatos integrates the Kuhnian dynamic model, but rather calls science as a competition and progress of different research programmes rather than a linear revolutionary process. Although Lakatos emphasizes on objectivist positivist records, then social sciences and International Relations which are created as a result of human interaction cannot prove its existence with the same methods and principles as the natural sciences. The reasons and possibilities for social sciences are given by Otto Neurath and foremost Fritz Machlup who presents 9 points why social sciences are not inferior compeared to the natural sciences. After Machlup’s justifications the Lakatosian methodology can be interpreted as possibly the most comprehensive and useful methodological framework for analysing and evaluating International Relations theories as well as security theories. Although Lakatosian methodology is good and useful he does not clearly explain how theory preferrance is accomplished. Lakatos says that theories should be looked in a programme and to evaluate the programmes progressivness, but does not give criteria for evaluation. That mistake is fixed by Alan Chalmers who brings out a objective “fruitfulness” criterion to evaluate the programme’s and theories’ progressiveness in a certain context. I also add scale of a theory as an important variable. Analysing the six different theories brought out above the findings show that all those are compatible either with the claims of realism or liberalism international theory. Their greater emphasis is on the social construction or social nature of security which is interpreted by every theory, though differently. For instance, the constructivist theory claims that anarchy is what states make through social interaction, Copenhagen securitization theory says that the constructed threats should be in addition securitysized through a successful speech act, but feminist theory has the position that security is formed by accepting the women’s role and suppression in a male society. Added by the emancipatory aspects of critical theory and collective and third world aspects the picture gets quite blurred and complicated to systemise without a good methodology. Taking into account the context formed by the liberalist and realist theories the reflectivist security do not construct a separate programme, but complement to two contextual paradigms. When some aspects of constructivism and third world theory according to its heuristics adopt the theories into realism paradigm then on the other theories combined with the different ambiguous aspects of constructivism adopt these to the liberalism paradigm. I call those two research programmes “pragmatic security conflicts research programme” and “ethical security accomplishing research programme” accordingly. More progressiveness basing on the “fruitfulness” and “scale” criteria can be given to the “ethical security accomplishing research programme”. In conclusion the thesis proposes a more useful model for viewing different security theories in a complex, not separately. There might be other programmes formed if for instance post-structural theories would be included, but the basis for that would remain the same. So, reflectivist theories are ore useful if they are viewed in a formed scientific research programme, because they can add-up each other creating more clarity and simplicity if we want to make sense out of the world we are living in.
UN involvement in Kosovo: a path-dependent process?
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Seisonen, Siret; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The following master’s thesis studies the role of the United Nations (UN) in the process towards Kosovo’s independence. The aim of the study is to verify weather the UN engagement in Kosovo can be described as a path-dependent process. In doing so the thesis places itself into the general framework of new institutionalism, historical institutionalism in particular, that brought the concept of path-dependence into political science. As the case of UN involvement in Kosovo is a unique case, a single case study method, process tracing, is chosen as the methodological approach to conduct the study. The research relies on secondary textual data such as reports, resolutions and other documents of the UN, reports of non-governmental organizations present in the region and writing of other scholars. Based on these sources the process of UN engagement in Kosovo is reconstructed analyzing the conditions that led to each decision and the impact these decisions had on the future course of events to decide weather or not the UN engagement in Kosovo can be described as a path-dependent process.
Efficiency of the third energy package: Gazprom vs. Lithuania, case study
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Safonova, Anastassia; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The Third Energy Package of the European Commission, enforced in March 2011, brought significant changes to the energy market of the European Union while implementing anti-monopolistic measure of unbundling. Most of all the measures will influence highly monopolised gas-dependent markets of Eastern Europe, especially Baltic States, who rush into implementing the measures hoping to gain energy independence. By studying a single case of a conflict between Lithuania and Gazprom, so far erupted around the new measures, via the analysis of recent events and previous actors’ behaviour tendencies, the thesis concludes that, in a short-term perspective, Third Energy Package regulations are unprofitable and even dangerous to develop within the monopolized gas market of Lithuania taking into account the lack of alternative energy sources and gas suppliers as well as of financial reserves for energy infrastructure transformation. It is proposed, that factual de-monopolization of the energy sector should be realized before implementing relevant administrative regulations.
Private military-security companies as illegitimate actors in the international security environment
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Gildemann, Karl; Tomp, Urmet, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
This research paper is focusing on the private military-security companies (PMSC-s); these are entities that profit from the offering of military and security related expertise that until recently were considered the prerogative of the state and were provided only by state military, police and intelligence agencies. The services private military-security companies offer are wide ranging and cover tasks in the areas of combat, training, support, security, intelligence and reconstruction. Because of the increasing debate about the legitimacy of the private military-security companies this study was constructed. Main focus of this paper is to understand the international legal status afforded to the private military-security companies that provide front-line support services to their clients. Therefore, the companies this paper is focusing on are those that have provided front-line support services; most known are Executive Outcomes, Sandline International and Balckwater Worldwide (now Academi). It is important to understand that only current international legislations and conventions that deal with private violence are discussed, nevertheless, some national laws will be discussed as well, so we could understand little bit more about the difficulties of regulating and controlling private military-security industry. This study concludes that operations of private military-security companies that provide front-line support services are not legitimate because there is no international law that gives them legitimacy to carry out those kinds of operations, it does not matter that military-security industry has constructed their own view of legitimacy. Besides, all the operations of PMSC-s are carried out in a vacuum of effective regulation and accountability at the international and national levels. This is a big problem for all the actors in the international stage and must be solved quickly.
Küprose ja Moldova-Transnistria konfliktide lahendatavuse analüüs juhitamatute konfliktide mudeli põhjal
(Tartu Ülikool, 2013) Madissoon, Annika; Toomla, Rein, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Migratsiooni julgeolekustamine Venemaa diskursuse näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2013) Kullamä, Ele-Riin; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Rahvusvaheliste suhete teooriate eurotsentrism ja postkolonialistlik kriitika: Iraani juhtum
(Tartu Ülikool, 2013) Männisalu, Andra; Mälksoo, Maria, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Regionalism Euroopa Liidu piirkondlikus koostöös: makroregioonide poliitika ning Läänemere strateegia rakendamise ühilduvus teoreetiliste kontseptsioonidega
(Tartu Ülikool, 2013) Kelk, Silver; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Hindamise vajalikkus arengukoostöö tõhususe mõõtmisel: Eesti-Gruusia näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2013) Spiegel, Keit; Kasekamp, Andres, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Väikeriigi välispoliitiline käitumine: Eesti näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2013) Halliksaar, Mari; Toomla, Rein, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Rahvusparlamentide roll Euroopa Liidu võlakriisi lahendamisel: Euroopa stabiilsusmehhanismi asutamislepingu ratifitseerimine
(Tartu Ülikool, 2013) Kikas, Anu; Ehin, Piret, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The politics of immigration discourse among the contemporary British right: migration from East and Central Europe and societal security
(Tartu Ülikool, 2013) Arak, Teele; McNamara, Eoin Micheál, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
A (de)construction of normative power Europe: the case of military intervention in Libya
(Tartu Ülikool, 2013) Leek, Maria; Morozov, Viatcheslav, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Strateegilise vaate muutus heidutusele Ameerika Ühendriikide ametlikus diskursuses ja laiemas välispoliitilises debatis globaalse terrorismivastase sõja kontekstis
(Tartu Ülikool, 2013) Rits, Martin; Mälksoo, Maria, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut

Sirvi

Sirvi Rahvusvaheliste suhete õppekava magistritööd – Master's theses Kuupäev järgi