Rahvusvaheliste suhete õppekava magistritööd – Master's theses

Selle kollektsiooni püsiv URIhttps://hdl.handle.net/10062/50124

Kuni 2015.a. Riigiteaduste Instituut

Sirvi

Nüüd näidatakse 1 - 20 57

Pehme jõud ja avalik diplomaatia Vene Föderatsiooni instrumentidena selle välispoliitikas Prantsusmaa suunal
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Päi, Vootele; Vilson, Maili, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Hääletamismustrid julgeolekuküsimustes Ühinenud Rahvaste Organisatsiooni Peaassamblees: Eesti näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Villmäe, Sandra; Toomla, Rein, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Understanding China's rise: stigma management during XI Jinping Years (2012-2017)
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Veliste, Mart; Pappel, Urmas, juhendaja; Linsenmaier, Thomas, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This MA thesis tackles two research questions. First, a theoretical one: How to understand the nature of China’s rise? Through a theoretical discussion that engages major International Relations theories – neo-realism, Power Transition Theory, neo-liberalism, constructivism, and the English School – and the literature on status, status-seeking, stigma and stigma management, the thesis contends that in order to develop a satisfactory account on understanding China’s rise, China needs to be looked through the stigma framework and it needs to be treated as a status-seeking stigmatized state. That is to say, that the specific historic context of how China became a part of the international society needs to be taken into account, because it has had a deep constitutive effects on the identity of China and consequently also its behaviour. It is the way that China manages its historic stigmatization that can reveal how the state perceives its current status and what is the nature of China’s rise, i.e. what is the course that China is likely to take in the future. Second, the thesis dealt with an empirical question: How has China managed its stigma in the Xi Jinping years (November 2012 - October 2017)? Post-structuralist discourse analysis was conducted on 30 official speeches by China’s political elite. The empirical finding of the thesis was that out of four distinct stigma management strategies, three were present in the analysed time period. The mixed result is coherent with the theoretical background that China has an uneasy relationship with the existing normative order due to the specific historic context of the norms that constitute it. Through an interpretation of the empirical results, it became evident that currently the most dominant stigma management strategy is ‘correction.’ For the nature of China’s rise this means that in the near future the state will continue to rise peacefully, although occasionally contradictory indications might occur.
Rahvusvahelise konflikti puhkemisfaasi vahemuutujad: USA-Iraagi konflikt 2003
(Tartu Ülikool, 2017) Aasamaa, Lea; Toomla, Rein, juhendaja; Kasekamp, Andres, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Ohutajumise mõõtmine poliitilises diskursuses julgeoleku- ja poliitiliste debattide näitel Läti seimis
(Tartu Ülikool, 2017) Gredzens, Laura; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Käesoleva magistritöö eesmärgiks on uurida ohtude konstrueerimist Kopenhaageni koolkonna julgeolekustamise teooria alusel. Uurimustöö peamisteks küsimusteks on, kuidas tajutakse ohte Läti parlamendidebattides ning kuidas on julgeolekuohud konstrueeritud Läti poliitikute kõnedes ning kes seda põhiliselt teevad. Töö teoreetiline raamistik keskendub Kopenhaageni koolkonna julgeolekustamisteooriale, mida kasutatakse koos kõneaktiteooriaga, kuna see on heaks aluseks julgeolekuohtude konstrueerimise vaatlemiseks. Metodoloogia põhineb kvantitatiivsel kontentanalüüsil, mida kasutatakse kõneaktide läbi töötamiseks. Metodoloogia peatükis antakse ka ülevaade Läti erakondadest ja nende põhimõtetest, kuna see aitab paremini mõista ohukonstrueerijate tausta. Töö empiiriline andmestik pärineb Läti parlamendi- ehk seimidebattidelt. Töö käigus analüüsitakse julgeoleku- ja poliitikaalastel debattidel tehtud kõneakte, kus vaadeldakse ohukuvandite konstrueerimist ning julgeolekutustamise kasutamist. Antud uurimuses ei kasutata julgeolekustamisteooriat täies mahus, kuna uurimisküsimustele vastamiseks, pole tarvis vaadata julgeolekustamisprotsessi õnnestumist. Ohukuvandite konstrueerimiseks kasutatakse vaid teatuid julgeolekustamisteooria osasid. Käesolevas magistritöös uuritakse kõneakte, mis on tehtud 2004., 2014., 2015. ja 2016. aastal, kuna sellesse vahemikku jäävad nii Läti EL-i ja NATO-sse astumine kui ka Ukraina ja Venemaa konflikt ning põgenikekriis. Uurimustöö tulemustest selgus, et Läti parlamendidebattides tehtud kõneaktide põhjal on võimalik hinnata Läti poliitikute ohutaju muutumist ajalises perspektiivis. Magistritöö toob välja värsked andmed ohutajumise kohta Lätis ja mida peetakse julgeolekuohtudeks. Analüüsi tulemused on üsna tähtsa kaaluga, kuna eelpool mainitud kriisid kestavad ka veel praegu. Käesoleva magistritöö autor tänab uurimusega seotud osapooli nende suure toetuse ning panuse eest käesoleva töö valmimisel, eriline tänu läheb magistritöö juhendajale Heiko Pääbole.
Delegation and efficiency: comparison of Telecom Single Market negotiations under the Italian and Latvian Presidency of the Council of the EU
(Tartu Ülikool, 2017) Pilar, Klaus-Erik; Ehin, Piret, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis aims to study why some Member States are more efficient in mediating the negotiations during the Presidency of the Council of the European Union than others. To fill the gap in current academic research, the emphasis is put on how the model of coordination between the presiding country’s capital and Permanent Representation in Brussels affects the performance of the Presidency. Rational choice institutionalism provides the opportunity to conceptualise efficiency of the Presidency as the advancement of the negotiations on a priority initiative, rather than protection of national preferences as defined conventionally. The principal-agent model offers the necessary analytical tools to examine different models of coordination for European Union policies. This theoretical approach provides also the adequate analytical tools to study the link between model of coordination and efficiency of the Presidency, leading to the hypothesis that Brusselsbased Presidencies are more efficient in leading the negotiations on a priority initiative than the Presidencies that have adopted capital-based models. In the empirical part of the study qualitative comparative method is used to compare the performance of Italian and Latvian Presidencies in advancing the negotiations on Telecom Single Market proposal. The analysis of written documents and input from interviews indicate quite clearly that Latvian Presidency was much more efficient in its role as the mediator of the negotiations on this dossier. The findings also demonstrate that there is significant variation in the adopted model of coordination. Whereas Italy opted for a capital-based Presidency, Latvian Presidency was Brussels-based. To large extent the assumptions presented in the theoretical part of the thesis were confirmed. The Latvian Brussels-based Presidency was able to make decisions much faster and on spot, whereas Italian Permanent Representation had to endure extensive interventions from the capital, which made the progress slower. The findings also indicate that Latvian Presidency was able to act as an “honest broker” and go beyond its national preferences in order to reach a compromise. Additionally, it was confirmed that Brussels-based model enables better cooperation with other actors due to higher level of trust. However, the premise that the Brussels-based Presidency is more efficient due to better cooperation with the Council Secretariat was not proven. All in all the findings of the study show that the main hypothesis is correct and Brussels-based Presidencies are more efficient in advancing the negotiations on priority initiative.
The contemporary development of the concept of the twin cities: the case of cross-border cooperation between Narva and Ivangorad
(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Tambi, Sergei; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The post-World War Two period witnessed an intensive development of such a form of international cooperation as twin cities. Stronger and more intensive cooperation between borderland municipalities of neighboring states was possible due to the realization of the fact that thanks to this integration instrument it was possible to jointly overcome crisis laden situations and phenomena. The common cultural and historical heritage maintained through this instrument contributes to normalization and thriving of border areas of states. This process is of special importance for those borders which are located between Russia and European Union and/or NATO member states. This Master’s thesis considers the role of local governments in creating the points of contact between the twin cities which stimulate in their turn larger networks of contacts at different levels. It also shows how the theory of securitization (without which it is impossible to imagine a Conception of twin cities) makes an impact on relations between border municipalities. I have considered the case of Narva and Ivangorod as twin cities, which currently have achieved impressive results in developing a long term and sustainable model of cooperation. In order to support the evidential base of my paper, I consider two other pairs of twin cities, which are located in situation similar to that of Narva and Ivangorod, specifically Imatra-Svetogorsk and Kirkeness- Nikel. The process of securitization which permeates the level of both bilateral relations (Estonia – Russia), NATO – Russia and EU-Russia levels, when reaching the inter-municipal level, bеcomes weaker and damped as if there is a “safety bag”. At the lowest level (considering the Narva-Ivangorod case), we see the detailed, preplanned cooperation, several bilateral agreements signed, visits of officials, preconditioned by the joint municipal agenda, spontaneous meetings, which are the catalysts of forming a bilateral inter-municipal cooperation. The thesis tries to prove conclusively that NATO, the EU and Estonia (on the one hand) and Russia (on the other hand) are quite interested in securing their state border safe and peaceful. Thus, in contrast to the “top power” level, at a lower (inter-municipal) level, the relations between Narva and Ivangorod have been in the desecuritized status despite the attempts made by the central governments of the states of concern and international organizations involved as well as other actors to “heat up” the situation at the both sides of the Narva river. The non-traditional actors such as the city twins (border adjacent municipalities) represent an actors in the international relations, together with the states, transnational corporations, international governmental and nongovernmental organizations. The mutual relations between Narva and Ivangorod are in contrast to the relations between NATO and Russia, the EU and Russia, Estonia and Russia.
‘Gifts make slaves just as whips make dogs:’ re-examining neo-colonialism in the context of China’s cooperation with the African continent
(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Winter, Katrin; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This Master’s thesis conceptualises and analyses the concept of neo-colonialism in the context of China-Africa relations, with an emphasis on Zimbabwe. The thesis is built on examples of cooperation between China and Africa, and then China and Zimbabwe, in order to understand the role of China’s foreign policy in Africa as a whole and in Zimbabwe in particular. First, the methodology will be explained, and then a theoretical framework will be offered for geopolitics of resources, followed by outlining the theory of neo-colonialism before empirical evidence on the Sino-Africa cooperation is offered. The following five variables: development cooperation, market and resource seeking, foreign direct investment (FDI), infrastructure projects and soft power, will be considered in a pan-African and then Zimbabwe-specific context with evidence from local and international media, academic journals, government reports and policies, publicly available data, think tanks and international organisations. Then, the role of Africa in China’s foreign policy will be assessed based on these five variables and empirical findings. Finally, concluding remarks will determine the extent to which the following neo-colonial characteristics are present in China’s activities in Africa as a whole and Zimbabwe in specific: (1) noticeable asymmetry in the relationship; (2) a degree of agency from the colonised state; (3) multiple entities to carry out business and other activities, including the state, private- and state-owned businesses and nongovernmental organisations (NGOs); (4) no assumption of a former colonial relationship; (5) multiple areas of spreading influence, including economics, culture, education and other soft power areas. The extent of these in Africa and in Zimbabwe in particular will be assessed using the five independent variables before making conclusive remarks.
Complex interdependence and peace: a comparative analytical study of Ukraine, Georgia and CIS member-states from 2000-2014
(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Parts, Raul; Toomla, Raul, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The idea of the research project is to examine the possible correlation between economic interdependence and security. The following thesis will look at the members of Commonwealth of Independent States in a dyad with Russia over the last decade in order to determine the variables, that accordance with the independent variable, i.e. economic interdependence can affect security in the mentioned dyads. Already from the 1950s, liberals in international relations along with liberals in economics have described the benefits of trade and economic interdependence, making it too costly to engage in a conflict. Globalization theorists have evolved the concept and economists tend to say that the world is (at least in financial terms) very much interdependent. This all should make conflict a very costly option for a state and enforce pacifism between states and in the international arena in general. But economic interdependence can also be of asymmetric nature, making the costs of a conflict very high to one counterpart and thus reducing the threat of a conflict to the second counterpart. The thesis will look at how economic interdependence along with other relevant variables can affect conflict or perhaps prevent it from happening in the first place. A theory is presented and it is tested through corroborative examples of military disputes between Russia and the members of the Commonwealth of Independent States.
New regionalist approach to multilateral cooperation in the High North
(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Mändoja, Siim; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The thesis at hand deals with the different aspects concerning the regional integration process in the Arctic. As a region with huge economic potential and a relatively heterogeneous set of regional actors, consisting of nation-states, NGOs and indigenous populations, the Arctic certainly merits researches of this type to be conducted. The theoretical foundation of this paper relies on the concept of New Regionalism (also New Regionalism Approach – NRA) which concentrates on the new type of regional formations emerging in the post-Cold War era. Incorporating a wide range of issues and a multi-level approach to regional integration, NRA provides a good analytical framework for investigating a region such as Arctic, where, since the end of the Cold War, regional integration process has been on full speed. As a result of the analysis conducted in this thesis, it was found that although the regional integration process has gained significant momentum in the last two-and-a-half decades, it has reached to a point where stagnation (or even reversal of the integration process) is more possible than further integration. As an explanation, several factors, such as limited political agenda and competing sovereignty claims, can be brought out. Nevertheless, it was also determined that the overall potential for military conflict in the region remains low (although not completely absent). It was also found that factors such as global warming, whilst contributing to some elements of regional integration, can be seen as having a negative effect on others. Finally, it was concluded that as the region is in constant change (both in political and climatic sense), new studies should be conducted periodically to stay on top of things.
Assessing the development of Germany’s influence at the EU level in three recent crises
(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Meresma, Kerstin; Braghiroli, Stefano, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The aim of this thesis is to research the development of the projection of Germany’s influence through three crises that have fractured the project know as the European Union (EU). The crises in question are the security crisis, the refugee crisis and the Eurozone crisis. These three issues that the EU has faced have significantly influenced each state within the union and the EU as an organisation as a whole. Thus analysing Germany’s political influence on the policies made on the supranational level and comparing them with national policies is a good way to determine whether or not the policies practiced nationally and supra-nationally overlap. Firstly, liberal intergovernmentalism will be used as the theoretical framework for this thesis, it will be introduced and conceptualised. Additionally, critical discourse analysis will be used for an in depth analysis of the three cases subject to research in this thesis. Secondly, the methodology of the research will be provided and explained followed by the three case studies. The security crisis in the EU refers to Russia’s growing hostility towards the west and annexation of Crimea. Secondly, the refugee crisis refers to the Syria migrant crisis that started in the beginning of 2014. Since then, over a million people have travelled to the outer borders of the EU to seek asylum in Europe. Thirdly, The Eurozone crisis that began with the economic collapse of Greece and its inability to meet the requirements of ECB (European Central Bank) for financial aid greatly influenced the EMU (European Monetary Union) as a whole. The research will be based on official government documents available on the German Federal website and only material available in English will be used. Each case study will a have set of 5-7 indicators that will project the relationship between German and EU- level policies. The indicators are based on the articles of the Treaty of the European Union.
Economic growth and foreign policy of regional powers - a case study of Turkey in the Middle East
(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Viisimaa, Heiki; Braghiroli, Stefano, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The aim of this thesis is to explore the relationship between economic growth and the foreign policy of regional powers. It is a single case study of Turkey in the Middle East region. This thesis uses the regional level of analysis and explores different conceptualizations of regions in international relations. Mainly it focuses on the regional security complex theory formulated by Barry Buzan and Ole Waever. Hypothesis for the analysis is that economic growth experienced by regional powers enables them to spend more resources to increase their capability of power projection. Increased amount of resources together with the desire to strive for regional hegemony, pushes regional powers to adopt a more active and asserting foreign policy in their own region. The conducted analysis about Turkey reveals that economic growth correlates strongly to the amount of available resources Turkey has for conducting foreign policy. To analyze Turkish foreign political engagement and activity in the region, press releases from the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs were used. The analyze based on them indicated that during the years following a fast economic growth Turkish officials undertake more trips to countries in the Middle East and the number of mentioning of Middle East countries in press releases increase. That indicates that economic growth correlates positively with regional foreign political activity. Qualitative analysis of the press releases reveals that Turkey has adopted a more assertive and critical foreign policy towards Iraq, Syria and Egypt compared to 10 years ago. Therefore, the hypothesis of this thesis is considered to be true.
Securitisation of Russia by the Obama administration as it relates to the Ukrainian crisis
(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Uibo, Liina; Kasekamp, Andres, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The purpose of this Masters’s thesis is to examine the securitisation of Russia by the Obama administration after the beginning of the Ukraine crisis. The main research question is to what extent has the Obama administration securitised Russia since the crisis began. This study applies the theoretical framework of securitisation that was originally developed by the Copenhagen School as well as additional contributions to the framework by other authors. The methodology of the study is based on Lene Hansen’s model of discourse analysis. In the empirical analysis section of this study both frameworks will be applied to analyse the official foreign policy discourse of the Obama administration as articulated by President Barack Obama himself in his official statements on Ukraine and Russia. The study finds that while elements of securitisation are clearly present and emergency measures against Russia have been implemented, which could be considered proof of successful securitisation, the situation does not constitute full securitisation of Russia because elements of securitisation are consistently countered with desecuritisation, often within the same speech or statement.
What is the impact of the Kurdish factor on securitization of the Turkish domestic politics and foreign affairs?
(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Lõhmus, Alice; Braghiroli, Stefano, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This Master’s thesis looks at what is the impact of the Kurdish factor on securitization of the Turkish domestic politics and foreign affairs. This is done by combining the Copenhagen School theory and Paris School theory by blending the elements of the speech act with the practical discourse. The aim of this thesis is to look at both internal and external dimension of Turkey’s policy regarding the Kurdish issue and link it with the interview discourse. The methodology of this master’s thesis is discourse analysis by analyzing the media, the Hurriyet Daily News, the two political parties’ websites and political speeches as a primary source. As a supplementary source, interviews were conducted with two political parties, the AKP and the HDP as well as with the civil society to analyze the official discourse that emerged from the media and compare the analysis with the interview results. The main analysis is put on the securitization point and the events that followed the extensive securitization in the Turkish case. The concluding remarks will determine whether the public has accepted the official discourse and how this is reflected in the media as well as what emerged from the unofficial interviews.
Hargmaiste ettevõtete mõju rahvusvahelises poliitikas: sihtriigi sõltuvus doonorriigi kapitalismi mudelist
(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Laimets, Annika; Toomla, Raul, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Magistritöö uurib, kuidas hargmaised ettevõtted mõjutavad rahvusvahelist poliitikat, analüüsides välismaiste otseinvesteeringute mõju sihtriigile vastavalt sellele, kas doonorriik kuulub angloameerika või kontinentaalsesse kapitalismi mudelisse. Teoreetiline osa seletab kõigepealt põhilised mõisted, selgitab välismaiste otseinvesteeringute liike ja erinevust teistest investeeringute viisidest ning tutvustab riikide jaotamist kapitalismi mudelitesse. Teine peatükk koondab varem avaldatud uurimused ning tutvustab magistritöö olulisust hargmaiste ettevõtete tegevuse mõju poliitilise mõõtme analüüsimisel. Seejärel defineerib töö indikaatorid, uuritava ajavahemiku ning valimi. Analüüsitavad muutujad on Fraser Institute’i ja Heritage Foundationi majandusvabaduse indeksite, Gini indeksi ja Fraser Institute’i kollektiivläbirääkimiste allindeksi muutumine aastatel 2001–2012, millest on kättesaadavad kahepoolsete investeeringute andmed Ameerika Ühendriikidest ja Saksamaalt ehk angloameerika ja kontinentaalsest kapitalismi süsteemist. Kolmas osa näitab regressioonanalüüsi tulemusi ja järeldab, et välismaised otseinvesteeringud üksi ei suuda seletada muutusi majandusvabaduse indeksites ja sotsiaalse heaolu näitajates ega erinevusi ettevõtete päritolus ühest või teisest kapitalismi mudelist.
Hiina Rahvavabariigi strateegiline kultuur ja "rahumeelse tõusu" poliitika
(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Kinks, Juhan; Mölder, Holger, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Exploring the influence of small member states on EU external policies: the influence of the Latvian and Lithuanian Council Presidencies on the Eastern Partnership initiative
(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Kopamees, Kenneth; Kasekamp, Andres, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis aims to challenge the assumption that small member state influence on the European Union’s (EU) common foreign policy has been negligible. Its purpose is to study the influence of two small member states, Latvia and Lithuania, have had on the Eastern Partnership initiative during their respective Presidency of the Council of the EU periods. A third case, Poland’s Presidency, will also be examined and compared with the other two cases. This will allow for a more nuanced understanding of the impact the other two small member states have had in the development of the EaP compared to a bigger member state. Overall, this thesis adds to the existing discussion of small member state influence in three ways: first, it provides an overview of classical and contemporary small member state literature and critically assesses the realist interpretation of small state behavior in the international system; second, it reviews the different methodologies used by various authors and synthesizes a new influence measuring framework; and third, it applies the analytical framework to the selected cases and tests three sets of hypothesis. I argue that three factors can most adequately explain small member state influence: first, small member states must be committed to an issue - it must be of general importance to them; second, they must possess immaterial resources, such as general expertise or they be recognized as leaders in the issue area; and third, small member states are more influential when they use the EU’s institutional setting (such as the Council Presidency seat) to their advantage. The actual extent of influence is measured using three indicators: goal achievement, the ascription of agenda setting, and the ascription of final outcomes. This exercise revealed three conclusions: first, that small states have more influence on the multilateral Eastern Partnership platforms than on bilateral relationships; second, that small member states have more influence on the final outcomes than on the agendas; and third, that the overall goal achievement level is higher when the level of ascription is higher. Based on the results this thesis produced, I conclude that small member states are able to exert a limited amount of influence on the EU’s foreign policy when they use their strengths and resources to leverage their positions vis-à-vis bigger and more powerful member states, but without the support of other actors, the probability of failing to deliver results would be higher.
Country branding as a way to increase country’s international importance and the brand of Estonia
(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Otsmaa, Sten-Arne; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The aim of this thesis is to study how a small state can increase its influence in the international relations by branding itself. The thesis is studying the case of Estonia and analyses Estonia’s brand’s reach in the United Kingdom and Germany through two large events taking place in Estonia – Tallinn Music Week and Tallinn Black Nights Film Festival. This thesis analyses relevant literature on country branding, but as well how branding is related to country’s cultural diplomacy and public diplomacy and how those benefit the country’s soft power. The study found that the brand of Estonia creates average associations between the events taking place in Estonia and the brand of Estonia, because it appeared that the brand of Estonia is successful linking together some keywords, but unsuccessful to associate more specific or more defining aspects of Estonia to events. The importance of this thesis and study is that on the one hand it provides analysis of relevant literature and explains the importance of country branding in the today’s international relations, but on the other hand demonstrates brand’s ability to promote country and provides the study on the case of Estonia.
Geopolitics of sports mega-events: why is international sport moving to emerging countries?
(Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Koorep, Ranno; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
A growing number of major sports mega-events, usually held in Western liberal states, are finding new hosts in the emerging world. This has risen controversial opinions but the question of why this trend is happening remains. The following thesis draws attention to the socio-political factors behind the phenomenon. The theoretical part discusses relations between sports mega-events and the forces of globalization. Theory of hybridization is considered most suitable in the context of the work. Possible explanations to the research question are assessed on the basis of existing literature. Bidding processes for the hosting rights of eight consecutive Olympic Games are examined in the empirical part. It is concluded that the existence of geopolitical aspirations is the most important factor causing international sport to move towards emerging countries.
Could effective usage of social media increase soft power of the small states? Estonia`s example
(Tartu Ülikool, 2015) Naggel, Martin; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
This thesis seeks to draw attention to the changing nature of power and diplomacy in the age of increasingly networked and digitalised society of 21st century. Having a large army of soldiers and tanks could help to win a battle, but in order to be the winner in a war there must be other capabilities as well. Moreover, some smaller states do not have an opportunity to spend enormous resources on military – they have to find other ways to achieve their foreign policy goals. Today the battlefield is located inside people`s heads – the ability to attract and influence is crucial for achieving desired outcomes. After giving an overview about different facets of power the discussion continues with the examination of how the soft form of power could be made to work in reality. The author argues that the most fundamental aspect of this is proper communication with the focus on digital diplomacy – using digital tools (like social media) for engaging with foreign audiences and making public diplomacy. The main conclusion from theoretical part is that states which are ready to face these new challenges are most probably more successful in reaching their foreign policy objectives in the near and long future. In other words, digital diplomacy and effective communication are crucial steps for small states in turning soft power resources into actual influence. Empirical part of the thesis concentrates on a small state that could be considered a digital success story, namely Estonia. Analysing the usage of social media by Estonian foreign policy actors, the thesis seeks to point out how active and successful these actors have been in using social media for digital diplomacy and for engaging with foreign audiences. The results suggest that while there are some positive examples among these actors, there are also many shortcomings – some actors still seem not to understand the growing importance of digital diplomacy nor they do not make the most use of the opportunities social media offers. The thesis concludes with the Estonian case studies on digital diplomacy and with the discussion on potential benefits that using social media could bring with – like countering Russian propaganda and ensuring the coherence in Estonian society.

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