Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut

Permanent URI for this communityhttps://hdl.handle.net/10062/14984

Browse

Browsing Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut by Subject "2010-ndad"

Filter results by typing the first few letters
Now showing 1 - 7 of 7
  • Thumbnail Image
    Item
    A divided nation? Production and reproduction of national di/visions in Hungarian diaspora politics (2010–2019)
    (Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Royer, Laura; Piirimäe, Eva, juhendaja; Kołodziej, Jacek, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
    Since the democratic transition in the early nineties, successive Hungarian governments have sought to engage and support the Hungarian diaspora outside the borders of the state. This commitment to creating a diaspora community tied to an imagined motherland can be conceptualised as diaspora politics. Whilst diaspora politics should be differentiated from what is often referred to as nationalist politics, they are always concerned with the place of the diaspora in relation to the nation. In that regard, it can be said that diaspora politics – and the actors taking part in them – play a role in processes of nation-production, insofar as they contribute to the conservation or modifications of the principles of visions and divisions of the national world. Although diaspora politics have been an important feature of Hungarian politics for almost thirty years, the establishment of a Fidesz-KDNP government in 2010 constitutes a key moment in the development of Hungarian diaspora politics. The new government seized the pre-existing diaspora political institutions and developed a wide range of new laws, programmes, and institutions representing the Hungarian diaspora as embedded into the wider Hungarian nation. Drawing upon Pierre Bourdieu’s key political concepts, this thesis inquires how Hungarian diaspora politics between 2010 and 2019 have contributed to the production and reproduction of Hungarian national di/visions. Through an analysis of major laws, documents, institutions, programmes, and publications related to Hungarian diaspora politics between 2010 and 2019, it is argued that the development of a new legal and institutional framework for Hungarian diaspora politics since 2010 has provided the means to produce, reproduce, and legitimate the integration and dissolution of the diaspora in a redefined Hungarian nation. Furthermore, taking as a case study the journal Minority Studies edited by the Research Institute for Hungarian Communities Abroad (NPKI) between 2013 and 2016, this thesis contends that this diaspora integration has taken place through the redefinition of the boundaries of the national world. Specifically, the production of a renewed Hungarian nation has been permitted by the representations of historical, cultural, and political principles of national di/visions.
  • Thumbnail Image
    Item
    European identity through the lens of the Polish right-wing media: case of the Constitutional Tribunal crisis with the European Union (2016-17)
    (Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Soosaar, Rain; Petsinis, Vassilis, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
  • Thumbnail Image
    Item
    Koalitsiooni ja opositsiooni vastasseis alkoholipoliitika teemalises kommunikatsioonis Postimehe ja Pealinna näitel
    (Tartu Ülikool, 2015) Lukk, Kristjan; Kivistik, Kats, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
    Ajakirjandus kui poliitilise kommunikatsiooni platvorm on koalitsioonile ja opositsioonile oluliseks võitlusareeniks, mis tuli välja ka käesoleva bakalaureusetöö uuringutulemusi analüüsides. Töö sissejuhatuses esitati uurimisküsimus, kuidas erineb meedia kõneaine kujundamine koalitsiooni ja opositsiooni puhul ning märgiti, et erinevust kõneaine kujundamises näitaksid erinevad tulemused erinevates väljaannetes avaldatud poliitiliste väidete analüüsimisel. Erinevad väljaanded, selle töö kontekstis Postimees ja Pealinn on oma kajastuselt küllaltki sarnased. Suurimaks erinevuseks on opositsiooni negatiivse suhtumise alkoholipoliitikasse märgatavalt suurem kajastus Pealinnas. Koalitsioon sai üsna võrdselt leheruumi mõlemas väljaandes, opositsiooni positiivne suhtumine avaldati aga vaid Postimehes. Erinevused ei ole niivõrd väljaannete põhised, vaid pigem on lõhe koalitsiooni ja opositsiooni vahel. Opositsioon on oma poliitilistes väidetes märgatavalt negatiivsem kui koalitsioon. Ka valitsuserakondade liikmete seas leidub alkoholipoliitika hetkeolukorra koht negatiivsel arvamusel olevaid inimesi, kuid nemad tasakaalustavad ligikaudu sama suurt hulka positiivse suhtumisega inimesi. Uurimistöö hüpotees, et massimeedia toetab rohkem koalitsiooni narratiivi, ei leidnud tõestust. Massimeediat esindavas ajaleht Postimehes kajastati rohkem opositsiooni kui koalitsiooni narratiivi. Seejuures leidis kõige rohkem ruumi opositsiooni negatiivne suhtumine alkoholipoliitikasse. Koalitsiooni poolelt avaldati võrdsel hulgal nii positiivseid kui negatiivseid poliitilisi väiteid. Sama teemat edasi arendades oleks huvitav uurida, kuidas ajakirjanduses avaldatavad poliitilised väited mõjutavad ajakirjanduse enda seisukohti teemade suhtes. Praegu olid uurimise all vaid poliitiliste tegutsejate poolt öeldud laused või kirjutatud lood. Nende põhjal ei saa aga üks-üheselt määrata väljaannete enda suhtumist teemadesse. Väljaannete seisukohad tulevad välja toimetuse juhtkirjadest, ajakirjanike arvamuslugudest jms. materjalist. Võib eeldada, et tugevam ühe poole kajastamine mõjutab ka ajakirjandust ennast teemadesse samamoodi suhtuma, kuid empiirilist tõestust sellele käesoleva uuringu raames leitud ei ole.
  • Thumbnail Image
    Item
    Political communication through party channels: a content analysis of Estonian political parties' communication during the European refugee crisis 2015-2016
    (Tartu Ülikool, 2016) Marcus, Florian; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Mole, Richard, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
    The refugee crisis that used to concern some European countries turned into a pan-European problem when the EU agreed that all member states should accept and take care of some refugees. In April 2015, Estonia was confronted with this reality and its political elite, organised in six different parties that are represented in the national parliament, started to discuss the issue at hand. This thesis employs a quantitative content analysis in order to map out the positions of the different parties, along with their argumentative style, general attitude towards refugees, and main topics that were connected with the refugee question. The different positions are also compared across two different platforms, first the respective party webpage, second the parliament faction section. The second aim of this thesis is to examine how the different parties would adjust their discourse according to internal and external events that happened between April 2015 and March 2016. Finally, there is a discussion on the validity of the party press release as an individual type of media. This model will then be juxtaposed to Hallin’s spheres in order to find out whether the old paradigm still has some validity in the modern, interconnected world. Keywords: Estonia, Refugee Crisis, Quantitative Content Analysis, Political Communication
  • Thumbnail Image
    Item
    Russian soft power cultivation in the United States of America: a media content analysis of Russia beyond the headlines
    (Tartu Ülikool, 2015) Evans, David; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Blobaum, Robert, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
    The relationship between Russia and the United States of America has been a dominant feature of the international relations landscape for much of the last century. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, this relationship has been significantly altered. Over the last decade, a resurgent Russia has begun to exert its influence on the global stage once again. This effort has been characterized by a mixture of traditional “hard power” and a relatively new form of “soft power.” The government of the Russian Federation has developed a broad strategy for engaging the rest of the world with the intention of improving the image of Russia. One component of this effort began in 2007 when the Russian-government-owned Rossiyskaya Gazeta newspaper began to publish a supplemental news section in the Washington Post and the Daily Telegraph. This supplemental news section is now known as Russia Beyond the Headlines, and it is published in 26 countries and 16 languages. The purpose of this publication is to engage an elite section of foreign audiences around the world, and hopefully influence their mindset as it relates to Russia. This thesis provides a historical background of the Soviet Union and Russian Federation’s efforts at cultivating soft power in general, as well as an in-depth study of the content of Russia Beyond the Headlines during 2014 in the three domestic US newspapers (the Washington Post, the New York Times and the Wall Street Journal). This study ultimately concludes that the content of Russia Beyond the Headlines within the US market is adequately able to achieve its goals through a variety of strategies, and that further research is needed to understand the larger impact of the Russian Federation’s exercise of soft power in both the United States of America and around the world.
  • Thumbnail Image
    Item
    Ukraine's attitude towards European integration since the 2010 presidential elections: through the lenses of rationalism and constructivism
    (Tartu Ülikooli Euroopa kolledž, 2013-06-27) Underwood, Mark; Nizhnikau, Ryhor, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Euroopa Kolledž
    This study focuses the issue of Ukraine‟s attitude towards European integration since the 2010 presidential elections. It looks at speeches and articles from Ukrainian officials about European integration. Using constructivism and rationalism as lenses, we are able better understand Ukraine's attitude towards European. The periods preceding the 2010 presidential elections have been studied by Kratochvil and Tulmets (2010) and state the period from 2006 – 2010 is a period of strongly rationalist modes of argumentation between EU and Ukraine. The research question is: how has Ukraine‟s behaviour concerning European Integration changed since the 2010 presidential elections? This study is important because the presidential elections in 2010 marked a change of president, government, as well as potential change in foreign policy in Ukraine. The first chapter gives an introduction and looks at the methodology used in the study. The second chapter looks at what literature is available on the topic of European integration and gives a brief overview of the European Union's attitude towards Ukrainian integration. It also looks at the theoretical framework the case study will use, which is an adaptation of Kratochvil and Tulmets' original study. The third chapter includes the case study which starts by giving a brief background to Kratochvil and Tulmets' findings and follows on with the post-presidential election analysis. Finally conclusions are drawn finding that Ukraine‟s attitude towards European integration has most stayed the same, with a focus on rationalist modes of argumentation. Similar to the before the elections, officials have also moved back to constructivist modes occasionally. The biggest change which was seen was Ukraine new ability to use Russia and the Customs Union as leverage, or as an alternative to EU integration, to European integration in an attempt to speed up the EU‟s integration with Ukraine.
  • Thumbnail Image
    Item
    Välispoliitika euroopastumine Poola välispoliitika näitel Ukraina kriisi algfaasis (21. november 2013 - 21. veebruar 2014)
    (Tartu Ülikool, 2015) Soosaar, Rain; Vilson, Maili, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut