Sirvi Märksõna "Horvaatia" järgi

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Ansicht der rechten Seite des Vorhofes im Palaste Diocletians zu Spalatro
(1810) Krause, Johann Wilhelm
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Assessing Russian impact on the Western Balkan countries' EU accession: cases of Croatia and Serbia
(Tartu Ülikool, 2017) Zorić, Bojana; Braghiroli, Stefano, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The matter of EU enlargement to the Western Balkans has become overshadowed by pressing issues such as Brexit, the rise of the radical right and international terrorism. Notwithstanding the pressure to address these issues accordingly, increasing tensions and ethnic outbursts across the Western Balkans are reason enough for the European Union to devote significant attention to accession talks. This thesis addresses the Western Balkan countries’ Europeanization process with consideration of Russia as an external actor. The inclinations of Western Balkan countries toward the EU incite Moscow to increase its presence in the region with the aim of diverting countries from the path to European integration. Drawing on the theory of liberal intergovernmentalism and a rational approach to European integration, the research argues that the rational and pragmatic impetus behind the Europeanization dynamic brings to the forefront long-term economic, security and geopolitical benefits for the Western Balkan countries. By assessing the candidate countries’ progress amid EU negotiations, the thesis suggests that the countries’ bilateral ties with Russia have an impact on the Europeanization process. This tendency is particularly visible in Chapter 31 Foreign, security, and defence policy of the acquis communautaire. The broader geopolitical framework comprises the multifaceted relationship between the EU and Russia that is crucial for understanding the dynamics of EU-Western Balkans-Russia triangle.
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Converging or diverging patterns of Euroscepticism among political parties in Croatia and Serbia
(Routledge, 2019) Petsinis, Vassilis
This article is a comparative study on the patterns of Euroscepticism encountered among the political parties of Croatia and Serbia. Primary attention is paid to the employment of Euroscepticism from within the halls of power by the ruling parties of Croatian Democratic Union/HDZ and the Serbian Progressive Party/SNS. Secondary attention is paid to the employment of Euroscepticism by smaller parties with a populist and/or a radical right-wing orientation. This article demonstrates that whereas Euroscepticism among Croatia’s political parties appears to be rather multifaceted (with a focus on domestic minority issues, gender-related themes, and economic anxieties), the Euroscepticism of Serbian political parties has become ‘single-issue’ with a major stress on geopolitics. Nevertheless, the governing apparatuses of Croatia and Serbia converge in their adaptive and pragmatic employment of Euroscepticism. This consists of the occasional employment of soft versions of revisionist Euroscepticism in Croatia and a gradualist Euroscepticism, which is contested by the rejectionist voices of the radical right, in Serbia. This phenomenon demarcates the tactical and situationally adaptive adjustments of HDZ and SNS from the more ideological and pervasive dominance of socially conservative agendas among ruling parties of the conservative right in the Visegrad Four states (e.g., FIDESZ and PiS).
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[Dalmaatsia maastik]
(1809) Krause, Johann Wilhelm
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Das Amphitheater zu Pola in Istrien
(1809) Krause, Johann Wilhelm
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De facto state-patron state relations in two-level game theory: a case study on de facto states in Croatia and Bosnia during the Yugoslav wars
(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Bastek, Ryan Werner; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
De facto states are political entities that control territory and maintain all the requirements expected of a state except one, they lack international recognition. What they do have, in many cases, is the patronage of a recognized state that will help them to survive in a hostile world. So close is the relationship between patron and de facto states, that many dismiss de facto states as simply being puppets under the total control of the patron state. In this thesis I show how a genuine de facto state can be identified and differentiated from a puppet state; a true de facto state will be able to come to its own decisions rather than simply following dictates from their patron. To do this I examined the cases of the two Serbian-backed de facto states that emerged from the collapse of Yugoslavia in the 1990s and, through the use of two-level game theory, determine whether they accepted or rejected specific peace plans favored by their patron state based on internal political decisions or were simply carrying out the orders of the patron state.
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Eesti ja Horvaatia rahvusvähemuste integreerimine ühiskonda OSCE kaasabil
(Tartu Ülikool, 2013) Täker, Taimo; Toomla, Raul, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
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Europeanization of parliamentary discourse: the Migrant Crisis in the Croatian Sabor and Serbian Narodna Skupština 2016-2018
(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Novel, Tamara; Styczyńska, Natasza, juhendaja; Unkovski-Korica, Vladimir, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
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Moderniseerumisteooria paikapidavus efektiivse demokraatia arenemisel endises Jugoslaavias
(Tartu Ülikool, 2014) Mäe, Indrek; Pettai, Vello, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Järgnev magistritöö keskendub Ingleharti ja Welzeli poolt välja töötatud moderniseerumisteooriale ning sellest tulenevatele riikide demokraatia tasemele avaldavatele pikaajalistele mõjudele. Demokraatiataseme mõõtmisel kasutatakse efektiivse demokraatia indeksit, mis sisaldab endas ühelt poolt demokraatlike seaduste, vabaduste ja õiguste eksisteerimist seadusandlikul tasandil ning teisalt nende olemasolu reaalses igapäevaelus. Moderniseerumisteooria poolt esitatavate seoste paikapidavust kontrollitakse viie endise Jugoslaavia riigi – Sloveenia, Horvaatia, Serbia, Makedoonia ning Bosnia ja Hertsogviina näitel, vaadates seejuures, millised on peamised nimetatud riikide vahelised erinevused, seda muuhulgas ka ajalises dimensioonis. Olulisel kohal on riikide vaheliste lahknevuste põhjendamine moderniseerumisteooria elementide abil, hinnates seejuures, kas eriti Sloveenia ja tegelikult ka Horvaatia mõnevõrra kõrgem arengutase erinevates valdkondades pigem kinnitab või õõnestab teoreetikute poolt kirja pandut. Empiirilise analüüsi tulemusena saab välja tuua kolm peamist fakti, mis kinnitavad moderniseerumisteooria poolt kirjeldatavate erinevate muutujate vaheliste seoste kehtivust. Sloveenia on peaaegu kõigi muutujate arengult võrreldes teiste vaadeldavate riikidega märkimisväärselt ees. See aga tähendab, et sotsiaalmajanduslik areng on esile kutsunud postmodernistlikud väärtushinnangud riigi ühiskonnas, mis omakorda on kaasa toonud efektiivse demokraatia arengu. Samad seosed kehtivad ka Makedoonia, Serbia ning Bosnia ja Hertsogviina suhtes, tõsi küll vastupidises suunas – madal sotsiaalmajanduslik arengutase pole suutnud luua soodsat pinnast postmodernistlike väärtuste levikuks ning seetõttu pole nendes riikides ka survet efektiivse demokraatia arenguks. Horvaatia puhul saab aga järeldada, et kõrge sotsiaalmajanduslik areng on kaasa toonud efektiivse demokraatia tõusu, seda hoolimata sellest, et postmodernistlike väärtushinnangute osakaal on 16a jooksul püsinud suhteliselt samal tasemel. See näitab, et majandus mõjutab demokraatia taset ning kindlasti ei saa öelda, et antud riigi näitel puudub seos majandusarengu ja väärtushinnangute vahel. Väärtushinnangute muutumatus võib olla põhjustaud lühiajalistest, antud töö uurimisfookusest väljajäävatest teguritest.
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Spalatro
(1809) Krause, Johann Wilhelm
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Transitional justice in multiple transitions: case study of Croatia
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Kuljiš, Marul; Pettai, Vello, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The aim of this thesis is to establish a novel framework in the study of transitional justice. It is concerned with cases where there are more transitions that happen in the same country. So far, these cases have mostly been studied in part, without looking at the whole process. They should be studied with all the possible transitions and transitional justice contexts looked at side by side, and with a model which allows a comparison along the same conceptual lines. Some possible ways multiple transitions could influence transitional justice are laid out. They could hinder the process by working against each other and not allowing the state to adequately process any of them. Some contexts could also be ignored because of the continuity in the political elite that exists between those contexts and the democratic regime. Or, one context could take over the whole process and not allow the other contexts to be adequately processed. Another phenomenon that could occur is the mixing of different contexts in the process of transitional justice, which can be observed when single policies are used to deal with issues from distinct contexts. This new framework is then applied to a case study of transitional justice in Croatia, which experienced post-communist, post-authoritarian and post-conflict transitional justice. Measures relating to the three contexts are presented, and categorized according to their aim and type. Measures can be aimed at either perpetrators or victims of crimes, and they can be criminal-judicial, political-administrative or symbolic-representational in nature. In the post-communist context, they can also be distinguished according to the period they are meant to tackle. The patterns across the contexts are then compared and contrasted. It is found that the most important factors which determine transitional justice are the degree of continuity of the political elite and the existence of external pressure to undertake transitional justice. Enough connections between the contexts were arguably found to justify the separate conceptualization of transitional justice in multiple transitions.
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Vorhof des Palastes Diocletians zu Spalatro
(1810) Krause, Johann Wilhelm
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Vue en grand de la partie laterale de la l'Arc de triomphe ou Porta Aurea
(1809) Krause, Johann Wilhelm