Multiple sources of variation in perception and working memory for facial emotional expressions
Date
2021-04-23
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Abstract
Kuidas mõjutavad emotsionaalsed näoilmed seda, mis jääb lühiajaliselt meelde ja mis mitte? Näiteks, kas naeratav või kuri pilk õpetajalt matemaatikatunnis võib segada peast arvutamist või hoopis soodustab seda? Miks mõned inimesed ei erista näoilmeid (nagu kurbus, viha ja rõõm) kuigi hästi? Mis on näoilmete taju ja töömälu variatiivsuse allikad? Doktoritöös testisin neist küsimustest inspireeritud hüpoteese.
Töömälu ehk lühiajaline mälu on tunnetusprotsess, mis aitab tajutud informatsiooni siduda varasemate teadmistega ning kasutada seda lühiajaliselt ülesande täitmiseks. Töömälu on igasuguse eesmärgipärase tegevuse aluseks.
Uurisin:
1) näoilmetest tulenevat mõju (tähendus vs füüsikalised omadused),
2) neurobioloogia panust, sh dopamiini, noradrenaliini ja serotoniini süsteemide biomarkerite ja soo seoseid sooritusega,
3) emotsionaalsete seadumuste (ärevuse, depressiivsuse) mõju.
Kuue uuringu tulemustele tuginedes koostasin teoreetilise mudeli, mis kirjeldab näoilmete taju ja töömälu variatiivsuse allikaid.
Uuringud I, III, IV, V ja VI viisin läbi Eesti Laste Isiksuse, Käitumise ja Tervise Uuringu raames kogutud andmetel, kokku osales 507 inimest (25 aastased). Uuring II sisaldas kolme eksperimenti, kus osales kokku üle 200 vabatahtliku inimese Tartust ja Tallinnast (vanuses 18-50).
Tulemused näitasid, et positiivne ja motiveeriv kontekst (naeratavad või rõõmsad näod) soodustavad mälu sooritust, aga mitte kõrge depressiivsusega inimestel. Lisaks selgus, et madal serotoniini tase (mida kaudselt peegeldab madal vereliistakute monoamiini oksüdaasi aktiivsus) seostub sõltumata näoilmest parema töömälu soorituskiirusega, aga ainult siis kui dopamiinitase on keskmine või kõrge, aga mitte liiga kõrge. Tööst ilmnes ka, et mehed ja naised ei erine töömälu soorituses, küll aga näoilmete tajumises, arvestada tuleb sealjuures ka genotüüpi. Üllatavaks tulemuseks oli see, et varasem sotsiaalärevuse diagnoos ennustas ebatäpsemat sooritust vihase näoilme äratundmisel võrreldes kontrollgrupiga ja nendega, kellel oli katse ajal sotsiaalärevuse diagnoos.
Kokkuvõtteks, ei leidu lihtsat “retsepti” näoilmete taju ja töömälu soorituse selgitamiseks. Tulemused aitavad aga mõista, miks inimesed on nii erinevad näoilmete tajumisel ja nende mäletamisel
How do emotional facial expressions affect what is remembered for a short time and what is not? For example, can a smiling or angry look from a teacher in a mathematics class help or hinder task performance? Why cannot some people discriminate between facial expressions (e.g. sad, angry and happy)? What are the sources of variation in perception and working memory for facial emotional expressions? In my dissertation, I tested hypotheses inspired by these questions. Working memory (WM), or short-term memory, is a process of cognition that binds perceived information to previous knowledge and use it in a purposeful manner to perform a task. Working memory is the foundation of any goal-oriented activity. I studied the effects that come from: 1) facial stimulus qualities (meaning vs. physical properties), 2) neurobiology, including associations between dopamine, serotonin and noradrenaline system biomarkers, and sex, 3) emotional dispositions (anxiety, depression). Based on the results from six studies, I developed a theoretical model that describes the sources of variation in perception and working memory for facial emotional expressions. Studies I, III, IV, V and VI were conducted as part of the Estonian Children Personality, Behaviour and Health Study, a total of 507 subjects (25 years old) participated. Study II consisted of three experiments with more than 200 volunteers from Tartu and Tallinn (aged 18-50). The results showed that a positive and motivating context (smiling or happy faces) enhanced memory performance, but not in people with high depression. Additionally, low serotonin (as reflected by low platelet monoamine oxidase activity) was associated with better WM performance regardless of facial expression, but only at an average or high, but not too high dopamine level. Men and women did not differ in WM performance. Sex difference was present only in interaction with genotype in perception of facial expressions. Surprisingly, past diagnosis of social anxiety disorder in contrast to controls, and acute social anxiety predicted inaccurate recognition of angry faces. In conclusion, there is no simple “recipe” that would explain perception and WM performance for facial expressions. However, the results help to understand why people are so different in perceiving and remembering facial expressions.
How do emotional facial expressions affect what is remembered for a short time and what is not? For example, can a smiling or angry look from a teacher in a mathematics class help or hinder task performance? Why cannot some people discriminate between facial expressions (e.g. sad, angry and happy)? What are the sources of variation in perception and working memory for facial emotional expressions? In my dissertation, I tested hypotheses inspired by these questions. Working memory (WM), or short-term memory, is a process of cognition that binds perceived information to previous knowledge and use it in a purposeful manner to perform a task. Working memory is the foundation of any goal-oriented activity. I studied the effects that come from: 1) facial stimulus qualities (meaning vs. physical properties), 2) neurobiology, including associations between dopamine, serotonin and noradrenaline system biomarkers, and sex, 3) emotional dispositions (anxiety, depression). Based on the results from six studies, I developed a theoretical model that describes the sources of variation in perception and working memory for facial emotional expressions. Studies I, III, IV, V and VI were conducted as part of the Estonian Children Personality, Behaviour and Health Study, a total of 507 subjects (25 years old) participated. Study II consisted of three experiments with more than 200 volunteers from Tartu and Tallinn (aged 18-50). The results showed that a positive and motivating context (smiling or happy faces) enhanced memory performance, but not in people with high depression. Additionally, low serotonin (as reflected by low platelet monoamine oxidase activity) was associated with better WM performance regardless of facial expression, but only at an average or high, but not too high dopamine level. Men and women did not differ in WM performance. Sex difference was present only in interaction with genotype in perception of facial expressions. Surprisingly, past diagnosis of social anxiety disorder in contrast to controls, and acute social anxiety predicted inaccurate recognition of angry faces. In conclusion, there is no simple “recipe” that would explain perception and WM performance for facial expressions. However, the results help to understand why people are so different in perceiving and remembering facial expressions.
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Keywords
working memory, short-term memory, facial expression, perception