Central and East European, Russian and Eurasian Studies (CEERES) – Master’s Theses
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Item Soviet Kazakh identity through the works of Magzhan Zhumabaev and Iliyas Zhansugurov(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Berndt, Valentina; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Kassymova, Didar, juhendaja; Ibadildin, Nygmet, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThis thesis aims to contribute to the growing scholarship surrounding Kazakh national identity and Kazakh literary studies, by focusing particularly on the development of Kazakh poetry and the evolution of Kazakh identity in the 1920s and 1930s. The thesis is investigating the following research question: How did Kazakh identity evolve in the perception of the Kazakh poets Magzhan Zhumabaev and Iliyas Zhansugurov during the 1920s and 1930s? The literary study focuses on two authors; Magzhan Zhumabeav and Iliyas Zhansugurov, who represent the two predominant ideological strands and discourses within the Kazakh intelligentsia surrounding the future of the Kazakh people, their culture and their country: Kazakh modernity and Soviet modernity. The theme of modernity, as an overarching dominating discourse of the time, serves as the conceptual tool of this research. Cultural studies and the theories associated with it, such as Stuart Hall’s conception of identity, serve as the theoretical basis of this study. This study analyzes and draws conclusions from a variety of poetry from Magzhan Zhumabaev and Iliyas Zhansugurov, which has been translated into the Russian language. The following work argues that the evolution of Kazakh identity was at a crossroads in the 1920s and 1930s and in desperate need for change as it was stagnant. Both authors express the strong need for this change and both give clear criticism and suggestions for change. Their propositions converged frequently in particular their views on education, literacy and Kazakh language yet their views on the nature of modernity and how best to reach it differed markedly.Item Behind renaming: state, minorities and toponym changes in Almaty and North Kazakhstan oblasts since 1991(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Diego Gordon, Maria; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Zardykhan, Zharmukhamed, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutLately renaming of districts, towns and villages in Kazakhstan has drawn attention amongst experts, journalists and curious onlookers equally. The topic has caused particular interest within heated debates on Kazakhstan’s nation-building path and the role that national minorities are meant to occupy in that process. In fact, both media and academia have often portrayed policies of renaming in the country as another sign of an ongoing process of “Kazakhization”. During the last decades, scholarship involved in the study of toponyms has developed approaches closer to critical studies in the belief that the study of the landscape, and the elements which conform it (as it is the case of place-names) can be a useful tool in order to expose the prevailing ideologies behind the ones who author it through acts such as naming and renaming practices, or in other words, the ones who hold the power over it. Therefore, the objective of this work is to understand the attitudes of the Kazakhstani state towards its national minorities through the analysis of the acts of renaming which took place since its independence.Item Religious liberalism: issues of religious minorities in Georgia(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Hulsey, Logan; Piirimäe, Eva, juhendaja; Nodia, Ghia, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutSince 2012, there have been several issues concerning the Georgian Muslim community. These issues include the dismantling of a minaret, the dispute over ruined mosque, and the nailing of a pig’s head to a madrassa door. Common causes attributed to these events are the failure of the Central Government to react properly to these issues, the attitudes and rhetoric of the Georgian Orthodox Church, and popular Turkophobia. This research seeks to find the cause of these issues and investigate what they reveal about the democratization process of Georgia. The hypotheses investigated include the roles of the Georgian Central Government, The Georgian Orthodox Church, and popular Turkophobia in instigating these cases. This qualitative research investigates each of the cases of discrimination involving the Georgian Muslim minority originating from Adjara. The cases are analysed in depth through the use of news media and secondary data. To verify the findings and to gain an experienced perspective on the issues, interviews were conducted with experts who have worked with this minority group and other minority issues in Georgia. The theoretical framework of this research involves the concepts of democratization, particularly the concepts of democratic consolidation, majoritarian democracies, liberal/illiberal democracies, state strength, and pluralism. The research findings conclude that all three of the hypotheses are interrelated causes of the cases in question. The findings of the research indicate that the ultimate cause of the cases is Georgia being a weak state that is unable to function without the approval of the Georgian Orthodox church. In addition to this, popular Turkophobia is used as a tool by opponents of the activities of the Georgian Muslim group. It is revealed from the research that Georgia is in the process of democratization, and that it can be labelled as a majoritarian or illiberal democracy, because it lacks the state strength to implement the values of a liberal democracy.Item The role of collective memory in the Georgian-Abkhaz reconciliation process: obstacle or opportunity?(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Bernardi, Rossana; Darchiashvili, David, juhendaja; Florea, Adrian, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThe present research seeks to uncover the dynamics between forms of collective memory and current reconciliation processes between Georgia and the de facto state of Abkhazia. Based on assumptions derived from theoretical perspectives on dynamics of memory in relation to reconciliation after violent conflict, this thesis argues that reconciliation can be both negatively and positively affected by collective memory. The data utilized to address the topic was collected through interviews with civil society activists who are working on initiatives that deal with the legacy of painful memories in Georgia and Abkhazia. Through thematic analysis, it was confirmed that collective memory poses obstacles to reconciliation, in terms of mutually-exclusive narratives that discourage dialogue and the change of perceptions of conflicting parts. At the same time, various formats of dialogue and reconciliation taking place in Abkhazia and Georgia were described and assessed in terms of their potential in encouraging reconciliation.Item The radical left in Ukraine since Maidan: the case of the National Anarchist Movement(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Wishart, Alexandra; Gomza, Ivan, juhendaja; Aliyev, Huseyn, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutWith political fringe groups gaining momentum during the Euromaidan Revolution in 2013, much scholarly attention has been given to actors of the radical right while dynamics by the socalled ‘New Radical Left’ have been ignored. In its past the New Radical Left was striving for cultural hegemony; however, their influence diminished when the movement developed severe ideological cleavages after Euromaidan. With an ideologically divided ‘New Radical Left’ one new group, the ‘National Anarchists’, has entered Ukraine’s political arena with the aim of reappropriating the concepts of Ukrainian nationalism and the idea of an anti-imperial struggle against Russia embodying contemporary Ukrainian society’s internal division on those issues. This research aims to address the ways in which social movements and radical groups can change their political agendas due to shocking and unexpected political events, such as the Euromaidan Revolution in 2013. While political opportunity structures matter, internal dynamics within movements are often stronger indicators for the movement’s political course and path of alliance building. Posing the question of how and why internal cleavages within the pre-Maidan Ukrainian radical left have led to a fragmentation of the movement, this research additionally seeks to address how this dynamic has led to the creation of a new Ukrainian political phenomena - national anarchism. By analyzing how different social movements active on the political fringes of the Ukrainian presidential democratic system operate, this research aims to give insight into the existing political players but also on the ways political communities are built in contemporary Ukraine. As a country undergoing significant political and social transformation, the timeliness of this research cannot be overestimated. With Ukraine pushing for democratic reform, the country experiences the effects of a pro-European alignment with political fringe groups on both sides of the political spectrum striving for visibility. The fact that most scholarly attention is directed at the prominence and dynamics of the Ukraine’s Radical Right, similar patterns on the left remain understudied.Item Europeanization of parliamentary discourse: the Migrant Crisis in the Croatian Sabor and Serbian Narodna Skupština 2016-2018(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Novel, Tamara; Styczyńska, Natasza, juhendaja; Unkovski-Korica, Vladimir, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutItem The heritagization of the communist past: German museums on the GDR(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Bochantin, Levi; Kowalski, Krzysztof, juhendaja; Jõesalu, Kirsti, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutWith Germany on the eve of its 30-year anniversary of reunification between the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) and the German Democratic Republic (GDR), a renewed look at the country’s remembrance landscape of the GDR through its museums is both commemorative and necessary. Remembering the GDR past through museums has been a challenge for the country ever since reunification; the consequences of unemployment and stagnating production in the former East, as well as inadequacies in socially integrating East and West have led to points of contention on how to accurately display the GDR in museums. Today, the GDR museum landscape has diversified greatly, yet new literature on newer and updated exhibitions remains scarce. This thesis will explore how German museums focused on the GDR are turning the GDR past into heritage for the public through a content analysis of the museums themselves. Therefore, it will draw upon the fields of heritage and memory studies in constructing its theoretical framework. Most importantly, this study will utilize the intertwining concepts of cultural memory and heritage. These will be used in examining which fragments of the past are chosen by the respective museum to include in their exhibitions, as well as how these chosen pasts are disseminated into the objects, displays, texts, and signs the museum chooses to include and mediate with the public. Moreover, particular attention will be given to new media and technology used in the newer exhibitions, such as touchscreens, electronic games and 3D-rendered films and images. In this study, two museums will be examined: the DDR Museum in Berlin and the Zeitgeschichtliches Forum in Leipzig. Both museums have long been an established part of the German museum landscape, since 2006 and 1999 respectively. The DDR Museum has additionally been the focus of scholarly and public criticism since its opening, with many originally regarding the private institution as a site playing upon nostalgia and trivializing the GDR regime. However, much less academic work has been carried out on the Zeitgeschichtliches Forum, and as of November 2018 it has reopened following renovations and changes to the main exhibition. Thus, these two museums will provide a relevant comparative study on two different institutions’ approach towards retelling the GDR past and creating GDR heritage.Item The populist’s performed social movement: analysis of Volodymyr Zelensky’s 2019 presidential campaign(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Hamel, Enya; Kołodziej, Jacek, juhendaja; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutA performed social movement captivated the Ukrainian nation in 2019. The 2019 Ukrainian Presidential election marked a change in the form of campaign strategies of a presidential candidate. Ukrainian entertainer Volodymyr Zelensky made his political debut by running for President of Ukraine on a platform based on having no visible links to the political elites and essentially promised a new era in Ukrainian politics, absent of endemic corruption and an end to the War in Donbass. The style of Zelensky’s campaign tactics of merging entertainment into politics transformed Zelensky into a media phenomenon. Zelensky won the second round of the presidential election with a landslide victory. Earning 73% of the vote, Zelensky overcame traditional national voting cleavages winning with the largest majority in contemporary Ukrainian history. The aim of this thesis was to analyze how a politically inexperienced electoral candidate can construct a movement of electoral support which unites the people through social media campaigning. Through an interpretive single case study of the 2019 Ukrainian presidential election, qualitative content analysis and discourse analysis drawn from 1753 social media posts from three social media platforms (Facebook, Instagram, YouTube) was conducted. Through analysis of selected postings, coding was generated which ultimately mapped the two dominant themes in Zelensky’s social media discourse: spectacle and social movement. While academia may suggest that Zelensky’s performed social movement would be labelled as a face in the new era of populism, findings suggest that Zelensky’s campaign strategy created a new form of populism: Spectacular Populism.Item The reality of Hungarian kin-state support in Vojvodina, Serbia: a minority perspective(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Todorović, Aleksandar; Dobob, Balázs, juhendaja; Smith, David, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutHungary is one of the most proactive kin-states in Europe. It has more than 2 million compatriots living in neighbouring countries. With around 250.000 ethnic Hungarians, the northern Serbian province of Vojvodina is no exception. Hungary as a kin-state has its own approach towards its kin-state politics, but that does not necessarily mean that its kin-minority shares the same priorities. The benefits that ethnic Hungarians abroad receive through kin-state support are numerous and go as far as gaining the dual citizenship which provides them with the same, (if not more) rights than Hungarians from Hungary have. Why is that? The non-resident citizenship right is followed by non-resident voting rights which represent a very powerful instrument in the hands of those who know how to use it, for instance, the Hungarian political party Fidesz. However, the specificity of Hungary’s kin-state support in Serbia is that the former is an EU state, whilst the latter is moving towards EU membership. Taking into account the existential problems of the minority community, having the opportunity to obtain the EU passport for Vojvodina Hungarians is significant and has led to large scale emigration. The consequences are not only related to the impossibility of long term survival of Hungarians in their historical lands, but also to making lives of the ones who remain even more complicated. This research will observe the connection between the aim of Hungarian kin-state support and the reality of being a kin-minority in Vojvodina.Item Young Armenian diasporans in the fight for genocide recognition(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Rippberger, Renée; Zajączkowska-Drożdż, Agnieszka, juhendaja; Kilp, Alar, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutOne cannot underestimate the historical and political implications of genocide and its denial have had on the trajectory and formation of the Armenia diaspora. Armenians have used every kit in the toolbox to try and accomplish the recognition of the Armenian genocide and obtain justice such as symbolic, monetary and territorial reparations. Yet after 105 years the responsibility of this calamity continues to be denied and justice withheld. Drawing on the literature developed by genocide scholars, this thesis investigates what genocide denial is, how it manifests in the Armenian case and denialist rhetoric’s consequences on the fight for justice and on descendants of the victims. To do this, young Armenian diasporans voices are centralized to conduct a thorough review of their interpretations of denial, the attempts to rectify justice lacking, and the future of this battle. As a result, the research finds that the systematic denial of the Armenian genocide and absence of justice has created a situation in which these painful memories have festered for years. It has concurrently been the glue keeping together the diaspora but while the demands for justice are loud, young diasporans admit the impracticality or even impossibility of justice.Item Measuring populism in contemporary Poland(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Germano, Alice; Orzechowska-Wacławska, Joanna, juhendaja; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutItem Normative contestation in the UNSC: (de)legitimising discourse(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Henshall, Alexandra; Cheskin, Ammon, juhendaja; Krivov, Sergei, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThis study seeks to re-emphasise the importance of legitimacy when analysing normative contestation. Using empirical analysis, the discourse of the five permanent members of the UNSC is explored, revealing the legitimation practices used by actors to influence the collective legitimacy judgements of others and thus shape the normative conversation. Such rhetorical practices, adopted by each member of the P5, are used to both legitimise an actor’s own approach, whilst delegitimising the approach of others that do not share their interests. Actors adopt narratives which drive their own interests into the conversation; they are justified using references to authority, morals, history and their self-professed expertise. UNSC activity is shaped by this rhetoric, which, as a result of the power imbalance inside the UNSC, is primarily western. The western powers advocate for a humanitarian approach by utilising practices which evoke emotions and encourage the audience to adopt their morals. In response, those actors seeking to protect the former status quo rely on references to law and order, striving to ensure their interests remain relevant. The confidence shown by those seeking to reshape the international system is a reflection of their confidence as international players. The analysis demonstrates the importance of rhetorical analysis when studying normative contestation. Without paying attention to the legitimation practices used by actors to influence others, one is unable to understand how the normative conversation is shaped.Item Queering security: (in)securitisation and resistance of the LGBTQ community in Poland(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Modebadze, Eva; Stępka, Maciej, juhendaja; Linsenmaier, Thomas, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThis thesis explores (in)security discourse of the LGBTQ community in Poland and their resistance to (in)securitisation. It engages with the narratives and experiences politically relevant in today’s Poland, where the government not only refuses to acknowledge insecurities faced by the LGBTQ individuals, but itself tries to present homosexuality as a threat. Problematisation of invisible subjects of security who paradoxically are created by the very process of securitisation is the primary focus of this study. Considering that concepts of security and resistance are differently practised outside the heteronormative frameworks, the study queers both concepts to capture security problems experienced by LGBTQ individuals and focuses on emancipatory and empowering potential of resistance. By doing so, it attempts to address the ways how marginalised groups can have more voice and agency to be included in inclusive queer informed security agenda. The study applies a theoretical framework informed by PARIS School of security studies rooted in broader International Political Sociological (IPS) and poststructuralist feminist critique of securitisation theory and seeks to provide a reformulated queered approach to (in)securitisation. By interviewing fifteen LGBTQ individuals and activists from Kraków, the study directly engages with the subjects of the research and puts their perceptions and experiences at the centre of the inquiry.Item Energy security and Chinese influence in Kazakhstan(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Graziani, Cosimo; Park, JeongWon Bourdais, juhendaja; Ibadildin, Nygmet, juhendaja; Kaczmarski, Marcin, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutEnergy security has been for decades one of the most important issues for the world economy. Since the 1970s, the supply of energy has meant a sure basis for the economic development of a country, it does not matter whether the country was an exporter or an importer. This problem is paramount for those countries that must sustain a huge economy like China, but it is likewise important for those countries that based their export sector -and their economies- on an energy resource. Oil is the energy resources of this dissertation -and to be more precise, crude oil- that represents the first good exported by Kazakhstan, the second country analyzed in this work. What I analyze are the relations in the oil sector between these two countries in the period 2014-2018. This period is crucial for the history of China because represents the first five years of the Belt and Road Initiative and the moment during the Kazakh economy was tested by the fall of the oil prices and the action of the Chinese oil firm in its own oil assets. My research question is: in a situation of economic asymmetry between two countries trading energy resource -one with a strong developed economy and one with a weak national economy based on the export of natural resource- will the importer country with the stronger economy able to increase its power over the exporter country? The answer to this question is negative, because despite the economic asymmetry between two countries, if the exporting country bases its economy on the natural resource traded, an importing country will meet resistance from the exporting country and will not be able to increase its power over it. To verify this hypothesis, I will apply the Asymmetry Theory theorized by Brantley Womack. This theory has been used to analyze the relations between China and Vietnam, and this application to the relations between China and Kazakhstan represents a novelty. To each of the key concepts -energy security, power, and multi-vector policy- is dedicated a deep analysis.Item Neoclassical realism: foreign policymaking in the South Caucasus(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Gill, Jack; Gvalia, Giorgi, juhendaja; Aliyev, Huseyn, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThe states of the South Caucasus (Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan) each have remarkably different interests and orientations when it comes to their foreign policy. One would think that 3 small Post-Soviet states occupying the same geographical region, with common histories of domination by neighbouring powers, would have operate in similar ways towards their larger neighbours and the rest of the world. In point of fact, the opposite is true – each state has its own unique orientation, which can be seen clearest in the way each state conducts its own foreign policy. There is, of course, a multitude of reasons explaining this divergence in foreign policy. Using a neoclassical realist theoretical basis, this study aims to examine foreign policy by identifying both system- and unit-level variables that have influenced foreign policy in the countries of the South Caucasus since gaining their independence while testing the applicability of a theory for small state foreign policy analysis. Drawing upon information gathered from primary interviews with foreign policy experts in Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan, the study shows that unit-level intervening variables do have some influence on foreign policy making at various times and under various conditions. As such, the study demonstrates the utility of neoclassical realism in small state foreign policy analysis.Item The Sino-Russian military relations: why not yet an alliance? A neoclassical realist approach(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Kubala, Cyriel Margaret Wilson Lise; Kaczmarski, Marcin, juhendaja; Korotyshev, Alexander, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThe Sino-Russian military relations have attracted a great deal of attention since the 21st century. They have strengthened into a strategic military partnership but did not evolve into a full military alliance. The goal of this paper is to analyse how has the international environment pushed Russia and China to improve their military relations, and to underline which factors prevented the formation of a full military alliance. This study relies on the neoclassical realist theory, considered to be a relevant theory to explain foreign policy behaviours. The Russian-Chinese military relations are explored through different indicators such as arms trade, military exercises, top brass meetings and border relations. The paper then analyses the international systemic factors that reunited Russia and China. It then goes down to the unit level of analysis to underline the factors that prevented a Sino-Russian official military alliance. These factors are the disagreement between Russian elites, the persistent security concerns from the Russian government and the security issues in Central Asia. They explain the current ambivalence in the Sino-Russian military relations.Item Conservative women’s representation in the European Parliament (2014-2019)(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Ser-Od, Yumjirmaa; Varnagy, Reka, juhendaja; Wierenga, Louis John, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThe European Parliament is an important institution in improving gender equality in the European Union. Generally, both descriptive and substantive women’s representation is much stronger in left-wing political parties compared to their right-wing counterparts. Some right-wing parties in the European Parliament have made more progress than others. This research aimed to develop an understanding of the conservative women’s representation in the European Parliament. By comparing the women’s issues championed by the conservative members of the European Parliament (MEP), the research aimed to reveal policy prioritization and variation of conservatism among the MEPs during the eight-legislative term of the European Parliament. The research has identified variety of issues presented by the MEPs and found some feminist issues presented as well. This research makes an important contribution to the literature on conservative women’s representation in the European Parliament.Item Bringing others into line: discourse on the roles within the Russian opposition - a regional glance(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Rudnik, Filip; Golubin, Roman, juhendaja; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutThe theoretical scholarship differentiating between various types of opposition entities, coined originally in the West, was successfully applied to the Russian political habitat. Known mostly as the ‘non-/systemic opposition’ cleavage, the given categorization is being employed by both punditry and academia. This research aims to add the practical perspective on the subject. Although the differentiation is solidly present within the political discourse, it remains not clear how the engaged actors – politicians, activists, scientists – make sense of it. The thesis analyses 14 in-depth interviews with public figures from Nizhny Novgorod, Russia. The non-/systemic categorization in given study is perceived through the post-structuralist lens as the cleavage operates within the political discourse and it is exercised as a political tool. By analysing the way in which the discourse is operated, the goal of the research is not only to define what constitutes the categories but also on the means of political fight connected to it. The cleavage is perceived as a tool to include/exclude, a source of identity and therefore a point of potential resistance. Among the pre-existing variables driving the categorization, the study finds that within the Russian depoliticized habitat factors such as ideology, perception on the past and employed political tools do not determine the political player’s place on the discussed matrix. The thesis reveals that the uniting factor for all the non-systemic forces lays in the approach towards the existing system. Additionally, due to the employed post-structuralist theoretical framework, the contribution reveals the political science vocabulary’s impact on public life. The findings hopefully indicate usefulness of the discursive analysis of the politicised language as it might answer questions on how the political challengers try to exercise their limited power within a skewed political field.Item Collective memory and memorialization in depictions of Soviet female combatants in Soviet and post-Soviet contexts(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Bawgus, Jessica; Sofronova, Julia, juhendaja; Kay, Rebecca, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituutItem State Predation in Ukraine: Local Agents and Property Rights Infringement after Euromaidan(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Dudley, William; Florea, Adrian, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut