Central and East European, Russian and Eurasian Studies (CEERES) – Master’s Theses

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Europeanization of parliamentary discourse: the Migrant Crisis in the Croatian Sabor and Serbian Narodna Skupština 2016-2018
(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Novel, Tamara; Styczyńska, Natasza, juhendaja; Unkovski-Korica, Vladimir, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The radical left in Ukraine since Maidan: the case of the National Anarchist Movement
(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Wishart, Alexandra; Gomza, Ivan, juhendaja; Aliyev, Huseyn, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
With political fringe groups gaining momentum during the Euromaidan Revolution in 2013, much scholarly attention has been given to actors of the radical right while dynamics by the socalled ‘New Radical Left’ have been ignored. In its past the New Radical Left was striving for cultural hegemony; however, their influence diminished when the movement developed severe ideological cleavages after Euromaidan. With an ideologically divided ‘New Radical Left’ one new group, the ‘National Anarchists’, has entered Ukraine’s political arena with the aim of reappropriating the concepts of Ukrainian nationalism and the idea of an anti-imperial struggle against Russia embodying contemporary Ukrainian society’s internal division on those issues. This research aims to address the ways in which social movements and radical groups can change their political agendas due to shocking and unexpected political events, such as the Euromaidan Revolution in 2013. While political opportunity structures matter, internal dynamics within movements are often stronger indicators for the movement’s political course and path of alliance building. Posing the question of how and why internal cleavages within the pre-Maidan Ukrainian radical left have led to a fragmentation of the movement, this research additionally seeks to address how this dynamic has led to the creation of a new Ukrainian political phenomena - national anarchism. By analyzing how different social movements active on the political fringes of the Ukrainian presidential democratic system operate, this research aims to give insight into the existing political players but also on the ways political communities are built in contemporary Ukraine. As a country undergoing significant political and social transformation, the timeliness of this research cannot be overestimated. With Ukraine pushing for democratic reform, the country experiences the effects of a pro-European alignment with political fringe groups on both sides of the political spectrum striving for visibility. The fact that most scholarly attention is directed at the prominence and dynamics of the Ukraine’s Radical Right, similar patterns on the left remain understudied.
The role of collective memory in the Georgian-Abkhaz reconciliation process: obstacle or opportunity?
(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Bernardi, Rossana; Darchiashvili, David, juhendaja; Florea, Adrian, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The present research seeks to uncover the dynamics between forms of collective memory and current reconciliation processes between Georgia and the de facto state of Abkhazia. Based on assumptions derived from theoretical perspectives on dynamics of memory in relation to reconciliation after violent conflict, this thesis argues that reconciliation can be both negatively and positively affected by collective memory. The data utilized to address the topic was collected through interviews with civil society activists who are working on initiatives that deal with the legacy of painful memories in Georgia and Abkhazia. Through thematic analysis, it was confirmed that collective memory poses obstacles to reconciliation, in terms of mutually-exclusive narratives that discourage dialogue and the change of perceptions of conflicting parts. At the same time, various formats of dialogue and reconciliation taking place in Abkhazia and Georgia were described and assessed in terms of their potential in encouraging reconciliation.
The heritagization of the communist past: German museums on the GDR
(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Bochantin, Levi; Kowalski, Krzysztof, juhendaja; Jõesalu, Kirsti, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
With Germany on the eve of its 30-year anniversary of reunification between the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) and the German Democratic Republic (GDR), a renewed look at the country’s remembrance landscape of the GDR through its museums is both commemorative and necessary. Remembering the GDR past through museums has been a challenge for the country ever since reunification; the consequences of unemployment and stagnating production in the former East, as well as inadequacies in socially integrating East and West have led to points of contention on how to accurately display the GDR in museums. Today, the GDR museum landscape has diversified greatly, yet new literature on newer and updated exhibitions remains scarce. This thesis will explore how German museums focused on the GDR are turning the GDR past into heritage for the public through a content analysis of the museums themselves. Therefore, it will draw upon the fields of heritage and memory studies in constructing its theoretical framework. Most importantly, this study will utilize the intertwining concepts of cultural memory and heritage. These will be used in examining which fragments of the past are chosen by the respective museum to include in their exhibitions, as well as how these chosen pasts are disseminated into the objects, displays, texts, and signs the museum chooses to include and mediate with the public. Moreover, particular attention will be given to new media and technology used in the newer exhibitions, such as touchscreens, electronic games and 3D-rendered films and images. In this study, two museums will be examined: the DDR Museum in Berlin and the Zeitgeschichtliches Forum in Leipzig. Both museums have long been an established part of the German museum landscape, since 2006 and 1999 respectively. The DDR Museum has additionally been the focus of scholarly and public criticism since its opening, with many originally regarding the private institution as a site playing upon nostalgia and trivializing the GDR regime. However, much less academic work has been carried out on the Zeitgeschichtliches Forum, and as of November 2018 it has reopened following renovations and changes to the main exhibition. Thus, these two museums will provide a relevant comparative study on two different institutions’ approach towards retelling the GDR past and creating GDR heritage.
Soviet Kazakh identity through the works of Magzhan Zhumabaev and Iliyas Zhansugurov
(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Berndt, Valentina; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Kassymova, Didar, juhendaja; Ibadildin, Nygmet, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis aims to contribute to the growing scholarship surrounding Kazakh national identity and Kazakh literary studies, by focusing particularly on the development of Kazakh poetry and the evolution of Kazakh identity in the 1920s and 1930s. The thesis is investigating the following research question: How did Kazakh identity evolve in the perception of the Kazakh poets Magzhan Zhumabaev and Iliyas Zhansugurov during the 1920s and 1930s? The literary study focuses on two authors; Magzhan Zhumabeav and Iliyas Zhansugurov, who represent the two predominant ideological strands and discourses within the Kazakh intelligentsia surrounding the future of the Kazakh people, their culture and their country: Kazakh modernity and Soviet modernity. The theme of modernity, as an overarching dominating discourse of the time, serves as the conceptual tool of this research. Cultural studies and the theories associated with it, such as Stuart Hall’s conception of identity, serve as the theoretical basis of this study. This study analyzes and draws conclusions from a variety of poetry from Magzhan Zhumabaev and Iliyas Zhansugurov, which has been translated into the Russian language. The following work argues that the evolution of Kazakh identity was at a crossroads in the 1920s and 1930s and in desperate need for change as it was stagnant. Both authors express the strong need for this change and both give clear criticism and suggestions for change. Their propositions converged frequently in particular their views on education, literacy and Kazakh language yet their views on the nature of modernity and how best to reach it differed markedly.
Behind renaming: state, minorities and toponym changes in Almaty and North Kazakhstan oblasts since 1991
(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Diego Gordon, Maria; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Zardykhan, Zharmukhamed, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Lately renaming of districts, towns and villages in Kazakhstan has drawn attention amongst experts, journalists and curious onlookers equally. The topic has caused particular interest within heated debates on Kazakhstan’s nation-building path and the role that national minorities are meant to occupy in that process. In fact, both media and academia have often portrayed policies of renaming in the country as another sign of an ongoing process of “Kazakhization”. During the last decades, scholarship involved in the study of toponyms has developed approaches closer to critical studies in the belief that the study of the landscape, and the elements which conform it (as it is the case of place-names) can be a useful tool in order to expose the prevailing ideologies behind the ones who author it through acts such as naming and renaming practices, or in other words, the ones who hold the power over it. Therefore, the objective of this work is to understand the attitudes of the Kazakhstani state towards its national minorities through the analysis of the acts of renaming which took place since its independence.
Religious liberalism: issues of religious minorities in Georgia
(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Hulsey, Logan; Piirimäe, Eva, juhendaja; Nodia, Ghia, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Since 2012, there have been several issues concerning the Georgian Muslim community. These issues include the dismantling of a minaret, the dispute over ruined mosque, and the nailing of a pig’s head to a madrassa door. Common causes attributed to these events are the failure of the Central Government to react properly to these issues, the attitudes and rhetoric of the Georgian Orthodox Church, and popular Turkophobia. This research seeks to find the cause of these issues and investigate what they reveal about the democratization process of Georgia. The hypotheses investigated include the roles of the Georgian Central Government, The Georgian Orthodox Church, and popular Turkophobia in instigating these cases. This qualitative research investigates each of the cases of discrimination involving the Georgian Muslim minority originating from Adjara. The cases are analysed in depth through the use of news media and secondary data. To verify the findings and to gain an experienced perspective on the issues, interviews were conducted with experts who have worked with this minority group and other minority issues in Georgia. The theoretical framework of this research involves the concepts of democratization, particularly the concepts of democratic consolidation, majoritarian democracies, liberal/illiberal democracies, state strength, and pluralism. The research findings conclude that all three of the hypotheses are interrelated causes of the cases in question. The findings of the research indicate that the ultimate cause of the cases is Georgia being a weak state that is unable to function without the approval of the Georgian Orthodox church. In addition to this, popular Turkophobia is used as a tool by opponents of the activities of the Georgian Muslim group. It is revealed from the research that Georgia is in the process of democratization, and that it can be labelled as a majoritarian or illiberal democracy, because it lacks the state strength to implement the values of a liberal democracy.
The Sino-Russian military relations: why not yet an alliance? A neoclassical realist approach
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Kubala, Cyriel Margaret Wilson Lise; Kaczmarski, Marcin, juhendaja; Korotyshev, Alexander, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The Sino-Russian military relations have attracted a great deal of attention since the 21st century. They have strengthened into a strategic military partnership but did not evolve into a full military alliance. The goal of this paper is to analyse how has the international environment pushed Russia and China to improve their military relations, and to underline which factors prevented the formation of a full military alliance. This study relies on the neoclassical realist theory, considered to be a relevant theory to explain foreign policy behaviours. The Russian-Chinese military relations are explored through different indicators such as arms trade, military exercises, top brass meetings and border relations. The paper then analyses the international systemic factors that reunited Russia and China. It then goes down to the unit level of analysis to underline the factors that prevented a Sino-Russian official military alliance. These factors are the disagreement between Russian elites, the persistent security concerns from the Russian government and the security issues in Central Asia. They explain the current ambivalence in the Sino-Russian military relations.
Conservative women’s representation in the European Parliament (2014-2019)
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Ser-Od, Yumjirmaa; Varnagy, Reka, juhendaja; Wierenga, Louis John, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The European Parliament is an important institution in improving gender equality in the European Union. Generally, both descriptive and substantive women’s representation is much stronger in left-wing political parties compared to their right-wing counterparts. Some right-wing parties in the European Parliament have made more progress than others. This research aimed to develop an understanding of the conservative women’s representation in the European Parliament. By comparing the women’s issues championed by the conservative members of the European Parliament (MEP), the research aimed to reveal policy prioritization and variation of conservatism among the MEPs during the eight-legislative term of the European Parliament. The research has identified variety of issues presented by the MEPs and found some feminist issues presented as well. This research makes an important contribution to the literature on conservative women’s representation in the European Parliament.
State Predation in Ukraine: Local Agents and Property Rights Infringement after Euromaidan
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Dudley, William; Florea, Adrian, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The populist’s performed social movement: analysis of Volodymyr Zelensky’s 2019 presidential campaign
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Hamel, Enya; Kołodziej, Jacek, juhendaja; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
A performed social movement captivated the Ukrainian nation in 2019. The 2019 Ukrainian Presidential election marked a change in the form of campaign strategies of a presidential candidate. Ukrainian entertainer Volodymyr Zelensky made his political debut by running for President of Ukraine on a platform based on having no visible links to the political elites and essentially promised a new era in Ukrainian politics, absent of endemic corruption and an end to the War in Donbass. The style of Zelensky’s campaign tactics of merging entertainment into politics transformed Zelensky into a media phenomenon. Zelensky won the second round of the presidential election with a landslide victory. Earning 73% of the vote, Zelensky overcame traditional national voting cleavages winning with the largest majority in contemporary Ukrainian history. The aim of this thesis was to analyze how a politically inexperienced electoral candidate can construct a movement of electoral support which unites the people through social media campaigning. Through an interpretive single case study of the 2019 Ukrainian presidential election, qualitative content analysis and discourse analysis drawn from 1753 social media posts from three social media platforms (Facebook, Instagram, YouTube) was conducted. Through analysis of selected postings, coding was generated which ultimately mapped the two dominant themes in Zelensky’s social media discourse: spectacle and social movement. While academia may suggest that Zelensky’s performed social movement would be labelled as a face in the new era of populism, findings suggest that Zelensky’s campaign strategy created a new form of populism: Spectacular Populism.
Queering security: (in)securitisation and resistance of the LGBTQ community in Poland
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Modebadze, Eva; Stępka, Maciej, juhendaja; Linsenmaier, Thomas, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis explores (in)security discourse of the LGBTQ community in Poland and their resistance to (in)securitisation. It engages with the narratives and experiences politically relevant in today’s Poland, where the government not only refuses to acknowledge insecurities faced by the LGBTQ individuals, but itself tries to present homosexuality as a threat. Problematisation of invisible subjects of security who paradoxically are created by the very process of securitisation is the primary focus of this study. Considering that concepts of security and resistance are differently practised outside the heteronormative frameworks, the study queers both concepts to capture security problems experienced by LGBTQ individuals and focuses on emancipatory and empowering potential of resistance. By doing so, it attempts to address the ways how marginalised groups can have more voice and agency to be included in inclusive queer informed security agenda. The study applies a theoretical framework informed by PARIS School of security studies rooted in broader International Political Sociological (IPS) and poststructuralist feminist critique of securitisation theory and seeks to provide a reformulated queered approach to (in)securitisation. By interviewing fifteen LGBTQ individuals and activists from Kraków, the study directly engages with the subjects of the research and puts their perceptions and experiences at the centre of the inquiry.
Normative contestation in the UNSC: (de)legitimising discourse
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Henshall, Alexandra; Cheskin, Ammon, juhendaja; Krivov, Sergei, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This study seeks to re-emphasise the importance of legitimacy when analysing normative contestation. Using empirical analysis, the discourse of the five permanent members of the UNSC is explored, revealing the legitimation practices used by actors to influence the collective legitimacy judgements of others and thus shape the normative conversation. Such rhetorical practices, adopted by each member of the P5, are used to both legitimise an actor’s own approach, whilst delegitimising the approach of others that do not share their interests. Actors adopt narratives which drive their own interests into the conversation; they are justified using references to authority, morals, history and their self-professed expertise. UNSC activity is shaped by this rhetoric, which, as a result of the power imbalance inside the UNSC, is primarily western. The western powers advocate for a humanitarian approach by utilising practices which evoke emotions and encourage the audience to adopt their morals. In response, those actors seeking to protect the former status quo rely on references to law and order, striving to ensure their interests remain relevant. The confidence shown by those seeking to reshape the international system is a reflection of their confidence as international players. The analysis demonstrates the importance of rhetorical analysis when studying normative contestation. Without paying attention to the legitimation practices used by actors to influence others, one is unable to understand how the normative conversation is shaped.
Measuring populism in contemporary Poland
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Germano, Alice; Orzechowska-Wacławska, Joanna, juhendaja; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Energy security and Chinese influence in Kazakhstan
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Graziani, Cosimo; Park, JeongWon Bourdais, juhendaja; Ibadildin, Nygmet, juhendaja; Kaczmarski, Marcin, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Energy security has been for decades one of the most important issues for the world economy. Since the 1970s, the supply of energy has meant a sure basis for the economic development of a country, it does not matter whether the country was an exporter or an importer. This problem is paramount for those countries that must sustain a huge economy like China, but it is likewise important for those countries that based their export sector -and their economies- on an energy resource. Oil is the energy resources of this dissertation -and to be more precise, crude oil- that represents the first good exported by Kazakhstan, the second country analyzed in this work. What I analyze are the relations in the oil sector between these two countries in the period 2014-2018. This period is crucial for the history of China because represents the first five years of the Belt and Road Initiative and the moment during the Kazakh economy was tested by the fall of the oil prices and the action of the Chinese oil firm in its own oil assets. My research question is: in a situation of economic asymmetry between two countries trading energy resource -one with a strong developed economy and one with a weak national economy based on the export of natural resource- will the importer country with the stronger economy able to increase its power over the exporter country? The answer to this question is negative, because despite the economic asymmetry between two countries, if the exporting country bases its economy on the natural resource traded, an importing country will meet resistance from the exporting country and will not be able to increase its power over it. To verify this hypothesis, I will apply the Asymmetry Theory theorized by Brantley Womack. This theory has been used to analyze the relations between China and Vietnam, and this application to the relations between China and Kazakhstan represents a novelty. To each of the key concepts -energy security, power, and multi-vector policy- is dedicated a deep analysis.
The Russo-Hungarian bond: exploring the patron-client relationship patterns in the energy field
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Fershtey, Anastassiya; Gallai, Sándor, juhendaja; Butler, Eamonn, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Since Viktor Orbán came back to power as Hungary’s Prime Minister in 2010, his policies have caused a lot of indignation across the Western media and governments (Ash 2019; Horowitz and Karasz 2018; Lehotai 2020). Within the context of democratic backsliding, a rapprochement with Putin’s Russia is perceived to be suspicious (Janjevic 2018). Orbán’s growing interest in Russia since 2010 was particularly puzzling due to his anti-Russian stance in the past. The U-turn initially kick-started from an “Eastern Opening” policy which was supposed to boost trade with Eastern countries, such as China, Japan, South Korea, Singapore and Russia. The relationship with Russia landed itself at predominantly energy trade turnover with some of the bilateral deals causing major corruption suspicions. The latter ones are the result of high-scale opaque agreements, such as the intergovernmental Paks nuclear plant deal. A certain degree of ideological convergence between Budapest with Moscow ‘pours some more oil into the flames’. Media headlines call the relationship between the leaders as “Eastern bromance” (Bozsik and Amiel 2019) and label Hungary as Russia’s ‘Trojan horse’ (Müller 2014). This study aims to explore and critically analyze what might be considered as the actual foundations of the relationship. By reviewing the existing theoretical literature, it provides its version of patron-client theory as a prism for the case study. The theoretical framework is applied in three phases using textual thematic analysis across the sources. The first phase assesses Hungary’s energy insecurity perception in the strategic documentation. The second phase looks at the inequality and reciprocity aspects of its energy tie with Russia. Reciprocity is analyzed through key issues of bilateral energy relations such as gas deals, pipelines cooperation and Paks deal. The third phase of the research deals with the conceptual part of the relationship – it analyzes proximity in the leaders’ rhetorical discourse. The results demonstrate that energy insecurity drives Hungary into Russia’s orbit. The relationship is further reinforced through mutually beneficial and favourable energy deals and proximity-enhancing rhetoric from the leaders. In sum, the research gives a fresh look at the relationship through properly-sourced evidence and unprecedented research design.
Collective memory and memorialization in depictions of Soviet female combatants in Soviet and post-Soviet contexts
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Bawgus, Jessica; Sofronova, Julia, juhendaja; Kay, Rebecca, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The commemorations of the 30th anniversary of the fall of communism in Poland – a fractured memory regime
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Nikko, Juho; Kowalski, Krzysztof, juhendaja; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The dissertation examines the 2019 commemorations of the 30th anniversary of the fall of state socialism in Poland, seeking answers to how and why different political actors commemorated the events in the way they did. The commemorations are studied through Michael Bernhard and Jan Kubik’s theory of the politics of memory (2014), according to which political actors adopt different mnemonic actor roles (abnegator, pluralist, warrior, prospective) that in turn determine the memory regime of a commemorative event (unified, pillarised, fractured). The data consists of 29 speeches and texts drawn from thirteen events clustered around the Roundtable Talks and the beginning of June. The speeches are analysed with qualitative content analysis primarily from video recordings. The dissertation updates Bernhard and Kubik’s analysis of the same topic from ten years ago. In 2019, the memory regime pertaining to the events of 1989 remained fractured, with the governing Law and Justice party (PiS) celebrating separately from the opposition. PiS initially attempted to abnegate the commemorations of the Roundtable Talks and the first semi-free elections of 4 June 1989 by not organising major state-endorsed celebrations. In the end, the opposition organised an 11- day celebration in Gdańsk together with local governments, whereas PiS opted for small-scale celebrations in the form of a special sitting of the Senate. Both sides featured mnemonic warriors who rallied around three major narratives. The opposition presented itself as the inheritor of the Solidarity movement and accused PiS of trying to negate this legacy. PiS presented itself as the inheritor of Pope John Paul II and focused on commemorating the 40th anniversary of his first pilgrimage to Poland, presenting this as the beginning of the Solidarity movement. Second, PiS emphasised the dissolution of the first democratically elected government of Jan Olszewski on 4 June 1992 and associated the opposition with the ‘post-communist’ system this allegedly created. Notable mnemonic pluralists included former president Aleksander Kwaśniewski and current president Andrzej Duda (PiS). A comparison with the commemorations of 2009 suggests that being in the opposition prompted the old governing party Civic Platform (PO) to adopt a mnemonic warrior position – a notable change from their earlier pluralist and abnegator stance. In addition, the opposition used the commemorations to kickstart their campaign to the autumn parliamentary elections. Both sides used memory layering – the combining of different memory regimes – as a central strategy. The divided commemorations give no reason to believe that the polarisation of Polish society is going to diminish. On the other hand, the political usefulness of mnemonic conflict about 1989 seems to be receding, with the ideological battle between a liberal and conservative vision of Poland being fought on other fronts.
Bringing others into line: discourse on the roles within the Russian opposition - a regional glance
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Rudnik, Filip; Golubin, Roman, juhendaja; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The theoretical scholarship differentiating between various types of opposition entities, coined originally in the West, was successfully applied to the Russian political habitat. Known mostly as the ‘non-/systemic opposition’ cleavage, the given categorization is being employed by both punditry and academia. This research aims to add the practical perspective on the subject. Although the differentiation is solidly present within the political discourse, it remains not clear how the engaged actors – politicians, activists, scientists – make sense of it. The thesis analyses 14 in-depth interviews with public figures from Nizhny Novgorod, Russia. The non-/systemic categorization in given study is perceived through the post-structuralist lens as the cleavage operates within the political discourse and it is exercised as a political tool. By analysing the way in which the discourse is operated, the goal of the research is not only to define what constitutes the categories but also on the means of political fight connected to it. The cleavage is perceived as a tool to include/exclude, a source of identity and therefore a point of potential resistance. Among the pre-existing variables driving the categorization, the study finds that within the Russian depoliticized habitat factors such as ideology, perception on the past and employed political tools do not determine the political player’s place on the discussed matrix. The thesis reveals that the uniting factor for all the non-systemic forces lays in the approach towards the existing system. Additionally, due to the employed post-structuralist theoretical framework, the contribution reveals the political science vocabulary’s impact on public life. The findings hopefully indicate usefulness of the discursive analysis of the politicised language as it might answer questions on how the political challengers try to exercise their limited power within a skewed political field.
Young Armenian diasporans in the fight for genocide recognition
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Rippberger, Renée; Zajączkowska-Drożdż, Agnieszka, juhendaja; Kilp, Alar, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
One cannot underestimate the historical and political implications of genocide and its denial have had on the trajectory and formation of the Armenia diaspora. Armenians have used every kit in the toolbox to try and accomplish the recognition of the Armenian genocide and obtain justice such as symbolic, monetary and territorial reparations. Yet after 105 years the responsibility of this calamity continues to be denied and justice withheld. Drawing on the literature developed by genocide scholars, this thesis investigates what genocide denial is, how it manifests in the Armenian case and denialist rhetoric’s consequences on the fight for justice and on descendants of the victims. To do this, young Armenian diasporans voices are centralized to conduct a thorough review of their interpretations of denial, the attempts to rectify justice lacking, and the future of this battle. As a result, the research finds that the systematic denial of the Armenian genocide and absence of justice has created a situation in which these painful memories have festered for years. It has concurrently been the glue keeping together the diaspora but while the demands for justice are loud, young diasporans admit the impracticality or even impossibility of justice.

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