Central and East European, Russian and Eurasian Studies (CEERES) – Master’s Theses

Selle kollektsiooni püsiv URIhttps://hdl.handle.net/10062/66593

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The heritagization of the communist past: German museums on the GDR
(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Bochantin, Levi; Kowalski, Krzysztof, juhendaja; Jõesalu, Kirsti, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
With Germany on the eve of its 30-year anniversary of reunification between the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) and the German Democratic Republic (GDR), a renewed look at the country’s remembrance landscape of the GDR through its museums is both commemorative and necessary. Remembering the GDR past through museums has been a challenge for the country ever since reunification; the consequences of unemployment and stagnating production in the former East, as well as inadequacies in socially integrating East and West have led to points of contention on how to accurately display the GDR in museums. Today, the GDR museum landscape has diversified greatly, yet new literature on newer and updated exhibitions remains scarce. This thesis will explore how German museums focused on the GDR are turning the GDR past into heritage for the public through a content analysis of the museums themselves. Therefore, it will draw upon the fields of heritage and memory studies in constructing its theoretical framework. Most importantly, this study will utilize the intertwining concepts of cultural memory and heritage. These will be used in examining which fragments of the past are chosen by the respective museum to include in their exhibitions, as well as how these chosen pasts are disseminated into the objects, displays, texts, and signs the museum chooses to include and mediate with the public. Moreover, particular attention will be given to new media and technology used in the newer exhibitions, such as touchscreens, electronic games and 3D-rendered films and images. In this study, two museums will be examined: the DDR Museum in Berlin and the Zeitgeschichtliches Forum in Leipzig. Both museums have long been an established part of the German museum landscape, since 2006 and 1999 respectively. The DDR Museum has additionally been the focus of scholarly and public criticism since its opening, with many originally regarding the private institution as a site playing upon nostalgia and trivializing the GDR regime. However, much less academic work has been carried out on the Zeitgeschichtliches Forum, and as of November 2018 it has reopened following renovations and changes to the main exhibition. Thus, these two museums will provide a relevant comparative study on two different institutions’ approach towards retelling the GDR past and creating GDR heritage.
Soviet Kazakh identity through the works of Magzhan Zhumabaev and Iliyas Zhansugurov
(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Berndt, Valentina; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Kassymova, Didar, juhendaja; Ibadildin, Nygmet, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis aims to contribute to the growing scholarship surrounding Kazakh national identity and Kazakh literary studies, by focusing particularly on the development of Kazakh poetry and the evolution of Kazakh identity in the 1920s and 1930s. The thesis is investigating the following research question: How did Kazakh identity evolve in the perception of the Kazakh poets Magzhan Zhumabaev and Iliyas Zhansugurov during the 1920s and 1930s? The literary study focuses on two authors; Magzhan Zhumabeav and Iliyas Zhansugurov, who represent the two predominant ideological strands and discourses within the Kazakh intelligentsia surrounding the future of the Kazakh people, their culture and their country: Kazakh modernity and Soviet modernity. The theme of modernity, as an overarching dominating discourse of the time, serves as the conceptual tool of this research. Cultural studies and the theories associated with it, such as Stuart Hall’s conception of identity, serve as the theoretical basis of this study. This study analyzes and draws conclusions from a variety of poetry from Magzhan Zhumabaev and Iliyas Zhansugurov, which has been translated into the Russian language. The following work argues that the evolution of Kazakh identity was at a crossroads in the 1920s and 1930s and in desperate need for change as it was stagnant. Both authors express the strong need for this change and both give clear criticism and suggestions for change. Their propositions converged frequently in particular their views on education, literacy and Kazakh language yet their views on the nature of modernity and how best to reach it differed markedly.
Behind renaming: state, minorities and toponym changes in Almaty and North Kazakhstan oblasts since 1991
(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Diego Gordon, Maria; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Zardykhan, Zharmukhamed, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Lately renaming of districts, towns and villages in Kazakhstan has drawn attention amongst experts, journalists and curious onlookers equally. The topic has caused particular interest within heated debates on Kazakhstan’s nation-building path and the role that national minorities are meant to occupy in that process. In fact, both media and academia have often portrayed policies of renaming in the country as another sign of an ongoing process of “Kazakhization”. During the last decades, scholarship involved in the study of toponyms has developed approaches closer to critical studies in the belief that the study of the landscape, and the elements which conform it (as it is the case of place-names) can be a useful tool in order to expose the prevailing ideologies behind the ones who author it through acts such as naming and renaming practices, or in other words, the ones who hold the power over it. Therefore, the objective of this work is to understand the attitudes of the Kazakhstani state towards its national minorities through the analysis of the acts of renaming which took place since its independence.
Religious liberalism: issues of religious minorities in Georgia
(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Hulsey, Logan; Piirimäe, Eva, juhendaja; Nodia, Ghia, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Since 2012, there have been several issues concerning the Georgian Muslim community. These issues include the dismantling of a minaret, the dispute over ruined mosque, and the nailing of a pig’s head to a madrassa door. Common causes attributed to these events are the failure of the Central Government to react properly to these issues, the attitudes and rhetoric of the Georgian Orthodox Church, and popular Turkophobia. This research seeks to find the cause of these issues and investigate what they reveal about the democratization process of Georgia. The hypotheses investigated include the roles of the Georgian Central Government, The Georgian Orthodox Church, and popular Turkophobia in instigating these cases. This qualitative research investigates each of the cases of discrimination involving the Georgian Muslim minority originating from Adjara. The cases are analysed in depth through the use of news media and secondary data. To verify the findings and to gain an experienced perspective on the issues, interviews were conducted with experts who have worked with this minority group and other minority issues in Georgia. The theoretical framework of this research involves the concepts of democratization, particularly the concepts of democratic consolidation, majoritarian democracies, liberal/illiberal democracies, state strength, and pluralism. The research findings conclude that all three of the hypotheses are interrelated causes of the cases in question. The findings of the research indicate that the ultimate cause of the cases is Georgia being a weak state that is unable to function without the approval of the Georgian Orthodox church. In addition to this, popular Turkophobia is used as a tool by opponents of the activities of the Georgian Muslim group. It is revealed from the research that Georgia is in the process of democratization, and that it can be labelled as a majoritarian or illiberal democracy, because it lacks the state strength to implement the values of a liberal democracy.
The role of collective memory in the Georgian-Abkhaz reconciliation process: obstacle or opportunity?
(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Bernardi, Rossana; Darchiashvili, David, juhendaja; Florea, Adrian, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The present research seeks to uncover the dynamics between forms of collective memory and current reconciliation processes between Georgia and the de facto state of Abkhazia. Based on assumptions derived from theoretical perspectives on dynamics of memory in relation to reconciliation after violent conflict, this thesis argues that reconciliation can be both negatively and positively affected by collective memory. The data utilized to address the topic was collected through interviews with civil society activists who are working on initiatives that deal with the legacy of painful memories in Georgia and Abkhazia. Through thematic analysis, it was confirmed that collective memory poses obstacles to reconciliation, in terms of mutually-exclusive narratives that discourage dialogue and the change of perceptions of conflicting parts. At the same time, various formats of dialogue and reconciliation taking place in Abkhazia and Georgia were described and assessed in terms of their potential in encouraging reconciliation.
The radical left in Ukraine since Maidan: the case of the National Anarchist Movement
(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Wishart, Alexandra; Gomza, Ivan, juhendaja; Aliyev, Huseyn, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
With political fringe groups gaining momentum during the Euromaidan Revolution in 2013, much scholarly attention has been given to actors of the radical right while dynamics by the socalled ‘New Radical Left’ have been ignored. In its past the New Radical Left was striving for cultural hegemony; however, their influence diminished when the movement developed severe ideological cleavages after Euromaidan. With an ideologically divided ‘New Radical Left’ one new group, the ‘National Anarchists’, has entered Ukraine’s political arena with the aim of reappropriating the concepts of Ukrainian nationalism and the idea of an anti-imperial struggle against Russia embodying contemporary Ukrainian society’s internal division on those issues. This research aims to address the ways in which social movements and radical groups can change their political agendas due to shocking and unexpected political events, such as the Euromaidan Revolution in 2013. While political opportunity structures matter, internal dynamics within movements are often stronger indicators for the movement’s political course and path of alliance building. Posing the question of how and why internal cleavages within the pre-Maidan Ukrainian radical left have led to a fragmentation of the movement, this research additionally seeks to address how this dynamic has led to the creation of a new Ukrainian political phenomena - national anarchism. By analyzing how different social movements active on the political fringes of the Ukrainian presidential democratic system operate, this research aims to give insight into the existing political players but also on the ways political communities are built in contemporary Ukraine. As a country undergoing significant political and social transformation, the timeliness of this research cannot be overestimated. With Ukraine pushing for democratic reform, the country experiences the effects of a pro-European alignment with political fringe groups on both sides of the political spectrum striving for visibility. The fact that most scholarly attention is directed at the prominence and dynamics of the Ukraine’s Radical Right, similar patterns on the left remain understudied.
Europeanization of parliamentary discourse: the Migrant Crisis in the Croatian Sabor and Serbian Narodna Skupština 2016-2018
(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Novel, Tamara; Styczyńska, Natasza, juhendaja; Unkovski-Korica, Vladimir, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The classical reception, royal image and strengthening the king’s power in early modern Poland (1520–1572)
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Rudenko, Oleksii; Niedźwiedź, Jakub, juhendaja; Unkovski-Korica, Vladimir, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
My thesis focuses on the interconnection between the phenomenon of the classical reception—that is the reception of the classical Greek–Roman antiquity and its legacy—and representation of the King (royal imagology) in early modern Polish Kingdom in the sixteenth century. For the analysis of these concepts, my study examines the figure of Sigismund II Augustus Jagiellon (1520–1572), the last Jagiellonian King of Poland and the Grand Duke of Lithuania and the first King of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. His reign was marked by dissemination of the classical images and figures in literature and art. My research stresses the hypothesis that the classical images and symbols were regularly used in shaping and promotion the image of Sigismund Augustus. In particular, these classical symbols deriving from the antiquity strengthened the image of the royal authority in complicated circumstances, such as confrontation with the nobility, reformist Executionist movement, and preparation of the Polish–Lithuanian Union. Promotion of the royal image was made in several ways: via direct visual and textual propaganda and through connotations and context that arose simultaneously. My thesis argues that Sigismund Augustus was regularly compared with or instructed based on the prominent examples of the classical antiquity—Cyrus, Alexander the Great, Octavianus—and this contributed to strengthening of his political positions in early modern Poland. Methodology applied in my research includes art historical and historical methods, literature analysis, involves comparative analysis and broader European context, analysing early modern Central-Eastern Europe as an integral element of Renaissance European politics and culture.
Welcome Madam President: effects of a female presidential candidate on the mobilisation of young, female voters in Slovakia
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Williams, Phoebe Letitia Neame; Pożarlik, Grzegorz, juhendaja; Toomla, Raul, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Slovakia did not appear frequently in international media headlines until the election of the first female President to the republic, Zuzana Čaputová, in 2019. Women are underrepresented in Slovak politics, and young women are particularly underrepresented and frequently deemed to be disinterested in politics. This research examines whether having a female presidential candidate effects the mobilisation of young, female voters in Slovakia. Twelve in-depth interviews were undertaken with young women in Slovakia, using questions based on a modified version of gender-strategic mobilisation theory. The theory has three core tactics (1. appealing to young women directly, 2. evoking women’s multiple gendered identities; and 3. promising change that appeals particularly to young women). Interviews were transcribed and analysed using predominantly deductive themes. Čaputová was able to mobilise young, female voters in her campaign largely through her transparency, liberal politics, and anti-corruption stance. She was a symbolic change for Slovakia, as the first elected female president, as an ardent defender of human rights, and through her decorum and respect in politics and political discourse. Nonetheless, other factors during the 2018-2019 period threw Slovak politics into flux, and serendipitous timing aided her campaign. These factors help to contextualise Čaputová’s entrance and success in contemporary Slovak politics.
The essence of Jadidism in Turkestan. In search of anti-colonialism and liberation in the Jadid literature
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Yakhshiboev, Utkurjon; Dadabaeva, Gulnara, juhendaja; Anceschi, Luca, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Jadidism and the Jadid literature have been subject to various interpretations by the western and nativist scholars. The Jadid literature is often perceived as anti-colonial resistance literature that aimed at liberating Turkestan from the Russian domination. This thesis would argue that overstating the Jadids’ role and contribution, crediting Jadid literature as anti-colonial resistance/liberation literature should not invent a ‘liberation movement’ which was not there. Instead, the thesis proposes to deconstruct Jadidism by analyzing the literary works of Makhmudkhoja Behbudi (1875-1919), Abdulla Avloni (1878-1934), Hamza Hakimzoda Niyozi (1889-1929), Abdurauf Fitrat (1886-1938), Abdulla Qodiri (1894-1938) and Abdulhamid Sulaymon og’li Cho’lpon (1897-1938) on individual basis. The author analyzed and summarized the mainstream literature and the publication works of the six Jadid thinkers in search of anticolonial resistance, liberation narratives. The analysis showed that only Fitrat and Cho’lpon’s certain literary and publication works manifested anti-colonial, liberation narratives. This has been achieved through thematic groupings of the Jadid works about Islam, different social issues, and the class and gender struggle. The content-based analysis has been chosen together with simplistic, minimalist interpretation to avoid generalization and exaggeration concerning the Jadid literature and Jadidism. The author chose to work with text in the domain of classical history to provide freedom to a reader to decide on the essence of Jadidism in Turkestan.
Kremlin Calling?: An investigation into the geopolitical narratives of selected European radical right parties regarding Russia
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Gray, Niall Marcus; Styczyńska, Natasza, juhendaja; Wierenga, Louis John, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Rising to prominence following the 2008 financial crisis, the European radical right has become a popular topic within both mainstream and academic debate. Now boasting a powerful presence in many European states, the political tradition has presented a myriad of existential threats to the continent’s liberal status quo. Among these new challenges is a widespread desire to reassess relations with Russia. Also eager to take advantage of Europe’s ongoing uncertainty, the Kremlin has shown great interest in engaging with radical right parties as part of its geopolitical resurgence. This relationship has drawn the attention of a fledgling body of literature, which has noted Russia’s willingness to fund and support these groups. Despite this, research has yet to investigate why exactly many radical right parties have been willing to engage with Moscow. This is all the more surprising given the literature’s discussion of a shared illiberalism, with studies continuing to focus solely on Russia’s export of such beliefs. As such, this study attempts to rectify this issue by directly engaging with Russia policies found in the literature of four radical right parties. Such information is subject to a methodology embracing both critical geopolitics and narrative analysis, with radical right theory lending itself to an explicitly ‘spatiotemporal’ understanding of international relations. The study finds that rather than embracing sheer opportunism, the parties have incorporated Russia into vivid narratives bound by desires to “revolt against the modern world”. Simultaneously, national circumstances ensure that this ‘template’ has been manipulated according to subjective needs, with party narratives now helping to challenge the seemingly ‘inevitable’ nature of the radical right-Russia relationship.
The Russo-Hungarian bond: exploring the patron-client relationship patterns in the energy field
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Fershtey, Anastassiya; Gallai, Sándor, juhendaja; Butler, Eamonn, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Since Viktor Orbán came back to power as Hungary’s Prime Minister in 2010, his policies have caused a lot of indignation across the Western media and governments (Ash 2019; Horowitz and Karasz 2018; Lehotai 2020). Within the context of democratic backsliding, a rapprochement with Putin’s Russia is perceived to be suspicious (Janjevic 2018). Orbán’s growing interest in Russia since 2010 was particularly puzzling due to his anti-Russian stance in the past. The U-turn initially kick-started from an “Eastern Opening” policy which was supposed to boost trade with Eastern countries, such as China, Japan, South Korea, Singapore and Russia. The relationship with Russia landed itself at predominantly energy trade turnover with some of the bilateral deals causing major corruption suspicions. The latter ones are the result of high-scale opaque agreements, such as the intergovernmental Paks nuclear plant deal. A certain degree of ideological convergence between Budapest with Moscow ‘pours some more oil into the flames’. Media headlines call the relationship between the leaders as “Eastern bromance” (Bozsik and Amiel 2019) and label Hungary as Russia’s ‘Trojan horse’ (Müller 2014). This study aims to explore and critically analyze what might be considered as the actual foundations of the relationship. By reviewing the existing theoretical literature, it provides its version of patron-client theory as a prism for the case study. The theoretical framework is applied in three phases using textual thematic analysis across the sources. The first phase assesses Hungary’s energy insecurity perception in the strategic documentation. The second phase looks at the inequality and reciprocity aspects of its energy tie with Russia. Reciprocity is analyzed through key issues of bilateral energy relations such as gas deals, pipelines cooperation and Paks deal. The third phase of the research deals with the conceptual part of the relationship – it analyzes proximity in the leaders’ rhetorical discourse. The results demonstrate that energy insecurity drives Hungary into Russia’s orbit. The relationship is further reinforced through mutually beneficial and favourable energy deals and proximity-enhancing rhetoric from the leaders. In sum, the research gives a fresh look at the relationship through properly-sourced evidence and unprecedented research design.
China’s influence on the quality of democracy in Georgia
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Dzamukashvili, Soso; Zubek, Marcin, juhendaja; Vilson, Maili, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Despite the Georgian Dream’s democratic agenda to change Saakashvili’s authoritarian regime and its success in achieving the closest-ever relations with the European Union, the democratic quality in Georgia witnessed a decrease during the six-year period between 2013 and 2019. Georgia thus failed to make a historical move and deliver a genuine democratic system. Simultaneously, China – an external actor promoting authoritarianism – emerged in the region and since 2013 substantially strengthened relations with Georgia. The current scholarship fails to systematically and theoretically explain the Chinese impact on the democratic quality in Georgia. Hence, the aim of the following case study is to fill the existing research gap and analyse how China has affected the quality of democracy in Georgia during the 2013-2019 period. The study is framed under the combined theoretical framework of the neo-Institutionalism and modified Linkage and Leverage analytical model. The dependent variable of the research is the degree of democracy and the independent variable – the degree of leverage. The study assesses the degrees of economic, political, and normative leverage to evaluate China’s impact on democracy in Georgia. Additionally, the analysis evaluates the European Union’s as well as Russian leverages to Georgia to avoid merely looking at correlation and instead to be able to demonstrate the causality between the democratic quality in Georgia and China’s leverage to Georgia. The research employs secondary statistical data collection and directed (deductive) qualitative content analysis to identify specific data and themes for the assessment of economic, political and normative leverages of China, the European Union and Russia to Georgia. The research results show that the Chinese leverage to Georgia has been low throughout the entire 2013-2019 period and has remained considerably lower than that of the European Union. The study reveals that China’s mechanisms of autocracy promotion in Georgia, i.e. socialisation and soft power, have not influenced the quality of democracy in Georgia during the period between the years 2013 and 2019. Thus, China has had no impact (or minimal) on the quality of democracy in Georgia.
Cooperation, conflict and co-option: defining relationships between the royal dictatorships of South Eastern Europe and the far-right during the interbellum
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Howells, Owen; Ványi, Éva, juhendaja; Unkovski-Korica, Vladimir, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This study will examine existing academic materials to explore the relationship the Royal Dictatorships of Yugoslavia, Romania and Bulgaria had with the far-right movements in their respective countries. It will seek to define this relationship and produce a comparison between the three. It will seek to produce a detailed oversight of often competing historical narratives in academic literature to find an accurate picture to present. Were they truly ‘Monarcho-Fascist’ regimes as their left-wing opponents would argue; were they merely utilising far-right support and style to provide stability; or where they actively hostile to the far-right, fighting a losing battle in a charged political atmosphere. Understanding this relationship can help us explain the shift from constitutional monarchy to royal dictatorship and explore the nature of those regimes. By comparing the three countries, it endeavours produce a model for explaining the choices made by the respective monarchs; to Cooperate, Conflict or Co-Opt.
Toponymy and the issues of memory and identity on the post-Soviet Tbilisi cityscape
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Dala Costa, Augusto; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Reisner, Oliver, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The present thesis deals with the renaming of the toponymy of Tbilisi, Georgia, from as early as the final years of Soviet rule in the country on the light of recently translated data from Georgian to English. It discusses the changes in the cityscape in relation to the national discourse that was built in the post-Soviet times, assessing how this discourse relates to the city history and the broader national context, which aspects were commemorated and which were left out, intentionally or not. Moreover, it brings conclusions to how the national discourse is imprinted in the toponymy of the capital and its possible implications for the geopolitical context.
A divided nation? Production and reproduction of national di/visions in Hungarian diaspora politics (2010–2019)
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Royer, Laura; Piirimäe, Eva, juhendaja; Kołodziej, Jacek, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Since the democratic transition in the early nineties, successive Hungarian governments have sought to engage and support the Hungarian diaspora outside the borders of the state. This commitment to creating a diaspora community tied to an imagined motherland can be conceptualised as diaspora politics. Whilst diaspora politics should be differentiated from what is often referred to as nationalist politics, they are always concerned with the place of the diaspora in relation to the nation. In that regard, it can be said that diaspora politics – and the actors taking part in them – play a role in processes of nation-production, insofar as they contribute to the conservation or modifications of the principles of visions and divisions of the national world. Although diaspora politics have been an important feature of Hungarian politics for almost thirty years, the establishment of a Fidesz-KDNP government in 2010 constitutes a key moment in the development of Hungarian diaspora politics. The new government seized the pre-existing diaspora political institutions and developed a wide range of new laws, programmes, and institutions representing the Hungarian diaspora as embedded into the wider Hungarian nation. Drawing upon Pierre Bourdieu’s key political concepts, this thesis inquires how Hungarian diaspora politics between 2010 and 2019 have contributed to the production and reproduction of Hungarian national di/visions. Through an analysis of major laws, documents, institutions, programmes, and publications related to Hungarian diaspora politics between 2010 and 2019, it is argued that the development of a new legal and institutional framework for Hungarian diaspora politics since 2010 has provided the means to produce, reproduce, and legitimate the integration and dissolution of the diaspora in a redefined Hungarian nation. Furthermore, taking as a case study the journal Minority Studies edited by the Research Institute for Hungarian Communities Abroad (NPKI) between 2013 and 2016, this thesis contends that this diaspora integration has taken place through the redefinition of the boundaries of the national world. Specifically, the production of a renewed Hungarian nation has been permitted by the representations of historical, cultural, and political principles of national di/visions.
A strongman at home is a strongman abroad? Investigating operational codes of Aliaksandr Lukašenka and Donald Trump
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Azarkevich, Yahor; Kołodziej, Jacek, juhendaja; McNamara, Eoin Micheál, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
With the decline of democracy in the world and accompanying rise of political strongmen, the demand for studies which would uncover peculiarities of the illiberal ruling has increased. While more researches indeed started to investigate different types of regimes and autocratic leaders, the level of their sophistication yet remains low. This thesis aims to contribute— within the extent of available resources—to the emerging literature on strongman rule and considers the belief systems of two well-known strongmen: Aliaksandr Lukašenka and Donald Trump. This research adopts the operational code analysis and hence focuses on the leaders’ foreign policy decisions. It argues that while the incumbent presidents of Belarus and the United States might indeed be strongmen at home, they are not ones abroad. This study discovers that the considered leaders possess low strongmen tendencies when dealing with their major international counterparts—Russia and China, hypothetically for the same reason. Lukašenka aims to sustain friendly and cooperative relations with these two due to the dependence of his regime on the external financial assistance, while Trump is also interested in maintaining favourable economic ties between world’s major economies. Overall, however, Lukašenka is more consistent in his beliefs across time, counterparts and speech genres, supposedly as the authoritarian system he operates in allows to disregard any domestic constrains to his foreign policy. Trump, on the other hand, manifests higher beliefs fluctuation as probably aims to satisfy internal political demands without abandoning his genuine opinion. There is hope that the findings of this study will help developing strategies for the struggle against illiberalism which rapidly consolidates across the globe.
The commemorations of the 30th anniversary of the fall of communism in Poland – a fractured memory regime
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Nikko, Juho; Kowalski, Krzysztof, juhendaja; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The dissertation examines the 2019 commemorations of the 30th anniversary of the fall of state socialism in Poland, seeking answers to how and why different political actors commemorated the events in the way they did. The commemorations are studied through Michael Bernhard and Jan Kubik’s theory of the politics of memory (2014), according to which political actors adopt different mnemonic actor roles (abnegator, pluralist, warrior, prospective) that in turn determine the memory regime of a commemorative event (unified, pillarised, fractured). The data consists of 29 speeches and texts drawn from thirteen events clustered around the Roundtable Talks and the beginning of June. The speeches are analysed with qualitative content analysis primarily from video recordings. The dissertation updates Bernhard and Kubik’s analysis of the same topic from ten years ago. In 2019, the memory regime pertaining to the events of 1989 remained fractured, with the governing Law and Justice party (PiS) celebrating separately from the opposition. PiS initially attempted to abnegate the commemorations of the Roundtable Talks and the first semi-free elections of 4 June 1989 by not organising major state-endorsed celebrations. In the end, the opposition organised an 11- day celebration in Gdańsk together with local governments, whereas PiS opted for small-scale celebrations in the form of a special sitting of the Senate. Both sides featured mnemonic warriors who rallied around three major narratives. The opposition presented itself as the inheritor of the Solidarity movement and accused PiS of trying to negate this legacy. PiS presented itself as the inheritor of Pope John Paul II and focused on commemorating the 40th anniversary of his first pilgrimage to Poland, presenting this as the beginning of the Solidarity movement. Second, PiS emphasised the dissolution of the first democratically elected government of Jan Olszewski on 4 June 1992 and associated the opposition with the ‘post-communist’ system this allegedly created. Notable mnemonic pluralists included former president Aleksander Kwaśniewski and current president Andrzej Duda (PiS). A comparison with the commemorations of 2009 suggests that being in the opposition prompted the old governing party Civic Platform (PO) to adopt a mnemonic warrior position – a notable change from their earlier pluralist and abnegator stance. In addition, the opposition used the commemorations to kickstart their campaign to the autumn parliamentary elections. Both sides used memory layering – the combining of different memory regimes – as a central strategy. The divided commemorations give no reason to believe that the polarisation of Polish society is going to diminish. On the other hand, the political usefulness of mnemonic conflict about 1989 seems to be receding, with the ideological battle between a liberal and conservative vision of Poland being fought on other fronts.
Collective memory and memorialization in depictions of Soviet female combatants in Soviet and post-Soviet contexts
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Bawgus, Jessica; Sofronova, Julia, juhendaja; Kay, Rebecca, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Neoclassical realism: foreign policymaking in the South Caucasus
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Gill, Jack; Gvalia, Giorgi, juhendaja; Aliyev, Huseyn, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The states of the South Caucasus (Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan) each have remarkably different interests and orientations when it comes to their foreign policy. One would think that 3 small Post-Soviet states occupying the same geographical region, with common histories of domination by neighbouring powers, would have operate in similar ways towards their larger neighbours and the rest of the world. In point of fact, the opposite is true – each state has its own unique orientation, which can be seen clearest in the way each state conducts its own foreign policy. There is, of course, a multitude of reasons explaining this divergence in foreign policy. Using a neoclassical realist theoretical basis, this study aims to examine foreign policy by identifying both system- and unit-level variables that have influenced foreign policy in the countries of the South Caucasus since gaining their independence while testing the applicability of a theory for small state foreign policy analysis. Drawing upon information gathered from primary interviews with foreign policy experts in Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan, the study shows that unit-level intervening variables do have some influence on foreign policy making at various times and under various conditions. As such, the study demonstrates the utility of neoclassical realism in small state foreign policy analysis.

Sirvi

Sirvi Central and East European, Russian and Eurasian Studies (CEERES) – Master’s Theses Kuupäev järgi