Central and East European, Russian and Eurasian Studies (CEERES) – Master’s Theses

Selle kollektsiooni püsiv URIhttps://hdl.handle.net/10062/66593

Sirvi

Nüüd näidatakse 1 - 20 142

‘Let us rehearse freedom’: mapping the landscape of Russian civic anti-war movement in Exile. The case of Poland
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Klygina, Margarita; Kubicki, Paweł, juhendaja; Smith, David, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The dissertation is based on interviews with Russian anti-war activists, residing in Poland and extensive desk research, and aimed at enhancing comprehension of Russian diaspora involvement in anti-war activism in Poland. The thesis attempted to examine whether Russian activism in exile possesses the potential to serve as catalyst for positive change in the context of ongoing full-scale war in Ukraine and addressed the ways of cooperation between Russian civil society groups with other actors in the Polish and transnational context, and their perceptions of their role in laying the grounds for creating democracy for future Russia. Theoretically, the dissertation stems from social movements scholarship, civil resistance research, social psychology of contention and diaspora studies.
Hungary’s shifting migration policy: from the 2015 refugee crisis to the war in Ukraine
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Bekberganova, Navola; Gallai, Sándor, juhendaja; Varga, Zsuzsanna, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
A country’s migration policy is always interconnected with political changes and events that occur in the international arena. The issue of migration and migration policy has been on the agenda since the period of transition in the post-socialist bloc. However, the reasons for changing migration policies may depend on the different priorities that each country sets among itself. In this case, the case of Hungary illustrates how changes in national interest and sovereignty considerations affected migration policy. Since the beginning of 2015, when the European Union faced a migration crisis, Hungary has been one of those countries that has stood out for its discourse and strict immigration policies and practices towards people fleeing war state countries. The country has been strongly concerned about security issues after the terroristic events occurred. But already in 2022 when the war in Ukraine started one could see how the policy towards asylum seekers (temporary protection applicants) had been softened, providing more humanitarian approach. Hungary has accepted thousands of Ukrainian refugees and provided huge humanitarian aid to Ukraine. These actions influenced the migration policy and this change can be explained by examining how Hungarian national interest, driven by sovereignty, was changing and redefined in response to circumstances. The thesis analyzed statistics about migration flow, legal documents on migration, speeches of the officials regarding immigration and immigration policy (mostly connected with asylum seekers and refugees) for the period 2015-2017 and 2022-2023. Based on the analysis of legal documents, it was revealed how migration policy was shaped according to sovereignty and the change of intensity of the national interest of the country.
Remembering conflict: the Russo-Georgian War of 2008 in Georgian museums
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Hermens, Merijn; Reisner, Oliver, juhendaja; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The Russo-Georgian War of 2008 is an understudied topic within Memory Studies in Anglophone academic literature. However, considering the War's significant role in shaping Georgia's socio-political landscape and identity, the omission is puzzling. This thesis addresses this gap, by examining how the war is commemorated in museums. Through the theoretical lenses of Memory Formats and Critical Museology, three case studies were analysed: the Museum of Occupation in Kaspi, the 2008 War Museum in Ergneti (both privately-funded), and the Museum of Battle Glory in Gori (state-funded). Using Thematic Analysis for interviews with museum staff and the Winterthur Model for artefact analysis, this research aimed to answer the following research question: How is the Russo- Georgian War of 2008 remembered in Georgian museums and why? The findings suggest that the remembrance of the Russo-Georgian War revolves around three main themes: (1) Personalised Victimisation, driven by individual and social memories to pass on these experiences to future generations. (2) Historical Analogies, emphasising Georgia's ongoing struggle for sovereignty and reinforcing national identity through a collective national consciousness. (3) Russia as the Aggressor, highlighting the role of Russia as the villain, while silencing the roles of separatists and Georgia in the conflict to protect a positive self-image. Moreover, financial constraints and a lack of professional display policies also influence how the war is remembered, leading to somewhat fragmented and unnuanced exhibitions. Notably, Personalised Victimisation is present in all museums, whereas Historical Analogies and Russia as the Aggressor are absent in the state-funded museum. The divergence reflects broader societal-political contrasts in Georgia, particularly since the outbreak of the full-scale war in Ukraine. Georgian society supports Ukraine and condemns Russia, whereas the ruling Georgian Dream party has shifted from a policy of normalisation with Russia towards a more pro-Russian orientation. Grassroots initiatives to commemorate the war, contrasted with the Georgian Dream's minimal efforts in this area, shows a strong societal desire to remember the conflict. A desire which is not shared by the officials, indicating a lack of interest or willingness to engage in the politics of memory.
An analysis of successful cooperation strategies towards ethnic reconciliation between international and domestic civil society in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Driessen, Danae; Repovac-Nikšić, Valida, juhendaja; Bernard, Sara, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This research explores the notion of reconciliation and its application in Bosnia and Herzegovina by civil society actors. Not only does it attempt to define what reconciliation means to actors on the ground and how it should be approached, but this author also delves into the challenges of various civil society actors operating in a limited area for the same goal. The aim of this project is to shed light on several misunderstandings and assumptions about civil society and reconciliation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, but more importantly to listen to what experts on-site think and offer recommendations for improvement as well as filling gaps in the literature about the more practical side of reconciliation.
Discourses of a New Kazakhstan: an analysis of Kazakhstani Russian language media
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Bakker, Nick Sieze; Dadabayeva, Gulnara, juhendaja; Snitar, Corina, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
In January 2022, Kazakhstan experienced the deadliest unrest since the dissolution of the Soviet Union in direct response to a raise in fuel prices, but which were also the result of deeper and longstanding social discontent. In response, president Kassym-Jomart Tokayev announced the construction of a ‘New Kazakhstan’, promising reform and change. Existing research has only superficially examined or mentioned the paradigm of a New Kazakhstan. In extension of research on the events, causes and state framings of Black January, as well as research on previous Kazakh (state)-identity discourses, this thesis examines ‘New Kazakhstan’ explicitly from a discursive perspective in Russian language media in Kazakhstan, building on concepts from Critical Discourse Analysis. Through an analysis of 46 articles in Kazakhstanskaya Pravda, Vremya and Azattyq as cases of government-backed, quasi-independent and independent media respectively, I aimed to answer how New Kazakhstan and the promise of change is put forward, received and written about in Russian language media and to what extent these discourses challenge or reproduce dominant power relations. My analysis showed that whilst coverage about a New Kazakhstan in Vremya was critical in some respects, Azattyq went much further in challenging power relations than Vremya by questioning and criticizing New Kazakhstan in direct connection with Tokayev’s position and legitimacy.
Project-level analysis of transboundary agreements on the Irtysh and Mekong rivers: analyzing hydro-hegemony theory through apt-scale research
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Mattimore, Frank; Ibadildin, Nygmet, juhendaja; Florea, Adrian, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This research conducts an analysis of the factors which inform China’s governance of the Irtysh River between China and Kazakhstan and the Southeast Asian states bordering the Mekong River. Scholars have referred to China’s governance as an instance of ‘hydrohegemony,’ wherein China governs its transboundary water resources by initiating limited cooperation with its neighbors to extract maximum benefits for itself. This research seeks to contribute to existing Hydro-hegemony theoretical literature by presenting an ‘apt-scale’ study of China’s dam development. This ‘apt-scale’ analysis seeks to rationalize China’s water agreements with the implementation of dam projects at the local level and is concerned with how local stakeholders of Chinese policy implement dam projects. This research is conceived as a longitudinal study which contextualizes dam development and water use cases outlined in the bilateral agreements signed between China and Kazakhstan and cases between China and Laos under the multilateral Lancang-Mekong Compact (LMC). To gauge the impact of development projects, this research utilizes GIS satellite data to measure how China’s domestic and international development of dam projects impact the quantity and quality of transboundary water resources and contributes to water disputes. To contextualize China’s implementation of dam projects and their logic of hydro-hegemony, this research presents international law standards of transboundary river governance, China’s domestic laws and the agreements between China and its neighbors to lay out internationally and locally accepted parameters for cooperation. The objective of this study is to establish an ‘apt-lens’ of enquiry to gauge the impact of transboundary dam construction on China’s hydro-hegemony and to understand how China's governance of these resources informs its utilization and development of transboundary water. disputes. The ‘apt-scale’ lens of research contributes to a gap in existing hydro-hegemony research which does not include a serious engagement with the impacts that water governance stakeholders have on the maintenance of TBW. This study found that there is a significant disconnect between China’s TBW stakeholders in their implementation of policy – leading to disjointed governance and the intensification of China’s hydro-hegemony. This research presents that International Water Law could aid China in resolving its hydro-hegemonic dominance.
The Cold War in Latin America: Cuba’s agency and its relationship with the Soviet Union between 1962-1969
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Diaz Guatibonza, Daniel Mateo; Éva, Ványi, juhendaja; Pavlova, Elena, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Cuba’s relationship with the Soviet Union has been explored from various perspectives, with many studies emphasizing the asymmetrical nature of the alliance, particularly highlighting Cuba’s dependence on Soviet economic, military, and scientific assistance. This dissertation, employing a postcolonial theoretical framework and the theory of postcolonial agency, examines Cuba’s agency in its relationship with the Soviet Union during the 1960s, a pivotal decade that marked the outset of the alliance. Through an interpretivist methodological approach, this study analyzes primary sources, including speeches, articles, and documents from the period, to assess Cuba’s agency. The research aims to uncover how Cuba’s leadership pursued its own agenda, in opposition to the Soviet Union’s policy of peaceful coexistence in Latin America. During the 1960s, Cuba championed the National Liberation Struggle in Latin America, advocating for guerrilla warfare as a central strategy, which became a cornerstone of its agency. In contrast, the Soviet Union’s foreign policy in the region was rooted in the principle of peaceful coexistence, prioritizing diplomatic cooperation with local governments. These conflicting stances led to significant diplomatic tensions throughout the decade, eventually culminating in a period of reconciliation by the decade’s end.
Victims or contributors? Analysis of Ukrainian wartime discourse on Belarusians in the context of Russian imperialism
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Sienicki, Kacper; Burkadze, Zarina, juhendaja; Cheskin, Ammon, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Postcolonialism, although a relatively recent discipline within the social sciences, has largely succeeded in working through the traumas of the vicious era of colonialism by giving a voice to subaltern peoples, those who did not have one for hundreds of years. While the scholarship on the subject has largely succeeded in subjecting the imperial policies pursued by European powers or settlers towards indigenous people in Asia, Africa, or the Americas to constructive criticism, this issue within the European continent itself has long remained in the shadows. This is particularly true for Eastern Europe, where postcolonial discourse largely bypassed Russia, leaving processes in Moscow's claimed exclusive civilisational sphere of influence aside. Following Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the issue of decolonisation of perceptions in Eastern Europe has become increasingly topical. While there is developing literature on Ukrainian perceptions of Russia and Russian colonialism's impact in general, little attention has been paid to relations and perceptions amongst subalterns. This thesis employs Critical Discourse Analysis to examine the speeches and statements of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy from August 2020 to June 2024, focusing on how was shaped Ukraine's discourse on Belarus and Belarusians before and after the full-scale invasion. Using a theoretical framework grounded in postcolonial studies and concepts of Russian Hybrid Imperialism and Wartime Discourse, this research assesses how Ukraine's perception of Belarus, a country that has played a crucial yet ambiguous role in the war, has been influenced by the ongoing conflict and shared experiences of subjugation by Moscow. The study investigates whether and how Belarus and Belarusians are framed as victims or contributors to Russian imperialism in Ukrainian political discourse, and how this framing has evolved over time. The results of this research reveal a nuanced and evolving discourse that distinguishes between the Belarusian state and the Belarusian people. The analysis shows that while the pre-invasion discourse was more openly critical of the Lukashenka regime, the post-invasion period unexpectedly saw more neutral and subtle narratives towards the Belarusian state, coupled with a persistent sympathetic view of the Belarusian people. The study also identifies an emerging emphasis on decolonization narratives, particularly after 2022, which frames both Ukraine and Belarus as post-colonial subjects struggling against Russian imperial influence.
‘A Horseshoe in Crisis’ - To what extent do German populist far-right and far-left parties converge in times of crises?
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Weber, Paro Olefile; Duro, Jozsef, juhendaja; Hardman, Helen, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
As the world began seeing light at the end of the tunnel with lockdowns ending and a global recovery in sight, Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022 catapulting the world into the next crisis sending shockwaves worldwide. The war crimes committed in Ukraine, have forced the European states to act internationally, as well as domestically. Considering the presence of such crises, this paper provides an insight into the strategies and policies national populist parties adopt. In doing so, this study focuses on the German populist far-right party AfD and populist far-left party Die Linke, comparatively measuring their agreement on a variety of policy topics surrounding the 2022 Ukraine War and comparing it to those of the Covid-19 pandemic crisis. A comprehensive theoretical framework discusses the main concepts, and the objectives of this study based on previous literature. The collected data consists of segments of parliamentary speeches members of the German parliament across 17 to 33 months. The methodology comprises of 3 instruments including a stance analysis of speech as primary method. The use of manifestos from the MARPOR database serve the measurement of the concept populism and an analysis of legislative roll call votes as an additional step to identify consistency between stances from speeches and stances from legislative voting. While this study expected causation between the presence of crises and populist party stance convergence, findings were limited to minor similarities, displaying insufficient convergence across both crises. The paper nonetheless contributes to a wider understanding of populism’s relationship to crises and the strategies it warrants for populist parties to employ in times of societal turmoil.
The Giedroyć doctrine as idée fixe and modus operandi of the Polish foreign policy towards Ukraine after 2015: Change and continuity
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Shcherbatiuk, Olena; Pożarlik, Grzegorz, juhendaja; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The thesis in question explores the Polish foreign policy approaches towards Ukraine of the two biggest opposing parties – Law and Justice and Civic Platform – based on the principles of the Giedroyć doctrine. Despite the fact that both parties recognise the Polish-Ukrainian relations essential in Poland’s foreign policy, their approaches to its implementation differ. And in order to understand why this difference takes place, this thesis provides the analysis of the narratives of the both parties in the exposes and records of the debates. As a result of the conducted research, it has been concluded that the major reasons for different foreign policy approaches towards Ukraine depend upon the contrasting understanding of the Polish raison d’etat, the perceptions of ontological (in)security and the threat of Russian imperialism in the circumstances of drastic shifts in the international system. In particular, the value systems of the parties embedded in the perception of the raison d’etat are different. It should be noted that ontological insecurities are to the large extent shared by both parties, especially perceiving Russia as a threat to Poland’s identity and independence. Moreover, it is important to emphasise that the more unstable and unpredictable external environment of Poland is, the more support is expressed for Ukraine. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine triggered the revival of the Giedroyc doctrine principles in the rhetoric of both parties since it proved to be relevant in the contemporary circumstances as never before.
Oral histories of Estonian Americans: leadership and the future of the diaspora after the cold war
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Johnson, Leah; Rybkowski, Radosław, juhendaja; Lepasaar Beecher, David Ilmar, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The Estonian American National Council (EANC) was founded in 1952 by Estonian immigrants to the United States who had chosen exile over repatriation to Soviet-occupied Estonia. Their mission was to preserve Estonian culture in exile and to advocate for Estonian independence to the US government, which had already refused to recognize the annexation of the Baltic States. The restoration of Estonian independence in 1991 witnessed the accomplishment of at least part of the EANC’s founding purpose, which prompted reflection within the diaspora as to whether the organization was needed after the Cold War had ended. This MA thesis takes this pivotal moment as its point of departure and investigates the work and significance of the EANC leadership as community organizers through the memories and experiences of second-generation Estonian Americans affiliated with the organization in the 1980s and 1990s. These oral histories attest to the profound value of diaspora work supported for creating spaces where Estonian identity could be practiced in exile and for preserving a connection to Estonia amongst the second generation. Arguments in favor of the EANC’s continuation stated that its work was not done but had changed shape as the need for cultural preservation persisted and Russia continued to pose a security threat to Estonia. This MA thesis also finds that Estonian Americans wished to be participants, not just as visitors or tourists, in rebuilding Estonia, which prompted new organizational and individual activities to reconnect with the homeland.
Not our war. A comparison of two anti-war and decolonial organisations' collective identity construction processes in light of Putin's full-scale invasion of Ukraine
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Efimov, Beatrice; Pożarlik, Grzegorz, juhendaja; Pavlova, Elena, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 and Putin’s announcement of partial mobilisation in September 2022, demonstrations broke out in several of Russia’s ethnic republics. At the same time, ethnic minorities and Indigenous activists created anti-war organisations that also demanded for the decolonisation of Russia. These organisations have received a lot of attention outside of Russia and have been presented as forming a united anti-war and decolonial movement. Despite these organisations sharing many similarities, they have different aims, strategies and understandings of decolonisation. This thesis aims to explore whether or not it is possible to speak of a united anti-war and decolonial movement. It does so by comparing the similarities and differences in online collective identity construction processes on Instagram between two prominent anti-war and decolonial organisations: Free Buryatia Foundation and Free Yakutia Foundation. The findings indicate that both organisations share important similarities in the construction of online collective identity, such as by emphasising the importance of building interethnic alliances; identifying the same issues negatively impacting their structural positions; and employing strategies that, although different, are driven by the politicisation of culture, identity and politics. Based on this, it is reasonable to conclude that there is evidence of a shared collective identity that could suggest the existence of a broader united anti-war and decolonial movement.
What makes a populist voter - is there a common ground?
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Kartvelishvili, Mariam; Pożarlik, Grzegorz, juhendaja; Mölder, Martin, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Scholars have long debated the characteristics that unify populist parties in Europe, noting that despite differing ideologies, organizational structures, and political styles, these parties often share a common narrative about the divide between the people and the elite. However, there remains a gap in understanding the profiles of populist voters themselves. Are there common traits among those who support populist parties across different regions? And how do these voters compare not only to those of mainstream parties but also to those who choose to abstain from voting altogether? Using quantitative analysis This study examines the voter bases of 46 populist parties across Western, Central, and Eastern Europe to explore these questions. The findings suggest a lack of unifying factors among populist voters overall, with "host ideologies" of the parties playing a more significant role in shaping voter profiles. While Western Europe displays a somewhat more consistent pattern across different types of populist party voters—be they left, right, or centrist—Central and Eastern Europe show greater variation, with fewer clear distinctions between populist and mainstream party supporters and abstainers. These results challenge the notion that the success of populist parties is driven from bottom by "populist attitudes" at the societal level. Instead, they indicate that the profile of populist party voter is more complex and heavily influenced by regional contexts and the specific ideologies of the parties themselves, underscoring the need for a nuanced understanding of populism in Europe.
Constructing identities in Georgia’s foreign policy: the Georgian “Self” and the Russian “Other” under UNM and GD (2008-2021)
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Van Dreven, Vita; Aprasidze, David, juhendaja; Prina, Federica, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Explaining Georgia’s foreign policy, particularly its refusal to bandwagon with Russia and its decision to align with the West, has been a long-standing focus of scholarly inquiry. However, after Georgian Dream (GD) took office in October 2012, some have noted a shift to a seemingly pro-Russian foreign policy. Most explanations point towards identity – whether elite, state, national or party – as an explanatory variable for this shift. Instead, this thesis is grounded in poststructuralist theory, which posits that identity is formed through linking and differentiation between the “Self” and the “Other.” The research purpose is to identify how the Georgian “Self” and Russian “Other” have been constructed by United National Movement (UNM) and GD between 2008 and 2021, and to explore whether there has been a change in construction of the Russian “Other.” I conduct a poststructuralist discourse analysis of official foreign policy documents, government programs, speeches (both domestic and international), and statements made by key officials (prime minister, president, and Ministry of Foreign Affairs). I identify six discursive formations on which UNM relies for its identity construction of Georgia and Russia: International Law; Role of the International Community; Historical Legacy; (Future) Russo-Georgian Relations; August 2008 War; and Georgian Statehood. In UNM’s construction, the Georgian “Self” and the Russian “Other” as complete opposites. In contrast, I identify four discursive formations that GD uses for its identity construction of Georgia and Russia: International Law; Actions in Abkhazia and South Ossetia; Role of the International Community; and Commitment to a Peaceful Solution. Although GD relies on fewer discursive formations, the portrayal of Russia is more complex. Overall, I identify four significant changes in the construction of the Russian “Other:” a shift in attribution of blame for the August 2008 War; a more positive tone towards Russia; the construction of a mutual willingness to solve the conflict; and the portrayal of compatibility of the West and Russia.
From paradox to policy: the construction of Islam in Azerbaijan’s foreign policy discourse
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Claessen, Koen Leo Victor Gertrudis; Zviadadze, Sopiko, juhendaja; Aliyev, Huseyn, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Surrounded by neighbours with close ties between religion and state, Muslim-majority Azerbaijan distinguishes itself in the region through its strong commitment to state secularism. However, despite Azerbaijan's strong commitment to secularism and its active securitization and crackdown on Islamic movements, the country incorporates Islamic discourse in its foreign policy. This study explores this apparent contradiction by examining how Islam is discursively constructed within Azerbaijan’s foreign policy between 2011 and 2020, and how these constructions contribute to shaping the country's foreign policy identity. Existing research on the role of religion in Azerbaijan’s foreign policy has mostly taken a realist approach, viewing secularism and religion as existing within a binary framework. In contrast, this research adopts a post-secular perspective, viewing religious and secular discourses as interacting in dialogue rather than existing in opposition. By applying Lene Hansen’s poststructuralist theory of foreign policy and its associated method of poststructuralist discourse analysis, this thesis then examines how Islam is represented in Azerbaijan’s foreign policy discourse and how these representations engage in a post-secular dialogue with secularist discourse to shape key aspects of Azerbaijan’s foreign policy identity. This approach reveals that Azerbaijan’s foreign policy discourse constructs Islam as a force of solidarity and as an element of national heritage. These representations feature in a post-secular identity where Islam complements secular portrayals of Azerbaijan as a nation committed to both solidarity and heritage, endowing Azerbaijan’s foreign policy identity with both religious and secular meaning. Embodying both these aspects allows Azerbaijan to claim an identity characterized by duality. By differentiating itself from Others that lack this duality, Azerbaijan constructs itself as exceptional and morally virtuous.
Politics of history on the screen: unveiling the continuity of myths in Polish state-endorsed cinema
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Harmash, Anna; Piekarska-Duraj, Łucja, juhendaja; Gibson, Catherine, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis examines cinematic portrayals of the Warsaw Uprising in historical fiction films endorsed by two ideologically divergent regimes: the Polish United Workers’ Party (PZPR) and the Law and Justice Party (PiS). Both regimes advanced conflicting memory of Polish history, tailoring the discourses to align with their respective ideological agendas by focalizing or silencing some pages of history. However, through a comparative analysis of films endorsed by the regimes, this thesis argues that the PZPR and PiS followed the same template in constructing their memory narratives that framed Poland as a nation of exceptional heroism and martyrdom, and justified an uncritical approach to politics of history. This thesis analyzes cinematic narratives presented in films about the Warsaw Uprising—a traumatic historical event that was marked by “blank spots” in the official memory during the People’s Republic of Poland but became an widely commemorated and glorified event, emblematic of Polish collective identity under PiS-led politics of history. A cinematic discourse analysis of six state-endorsed productions (five feature films and one episode from a popular television series released between the 1950s-1970s and the 2010s) was conducted to identify, decode, and interpret memory narratives and depictions of heroism using elements of the dominant Polish myth. The interpretation of the cinematic renderings of the Uprising relied on concepts of collective identity, national myths and schematic narrative templates, and considered the ideological, social and political contexts in which the films were produced. The research demonstrates that, while introducing some critical reflections and “remembering” the Uprising differently, the state-enforsed films produced under both regimes build their narratives on the dominant myth of Poland being “Christ Among Nations”. Ultimately, this thesis seeks to understand why seemingly ideologically divergent political regimes deploy similar narrative strategies.
Russkiy Mir discourse: a comparative analysis of Ukraine and Kazakhstan
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Appels, Sam; Anceschi, Luca, juhendaja; Dadabayeva, Gulnara, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis analyses how Ukraine and Kazakhstan are imagined within Russkiy Mir discourse and attempts to answer the question how and why Ukraine and Kazakhstan are imagined differently. As Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine has illustrated, the Russian narrative does have implications for the post-Soviet space. This thesis seeks to answer the question how and why Ukraine and Kazakhstan are imagined differently within Russkiy Mir discourse through a critical discourse analysis and by using the theoretical framework of critical geopolitics. Ukraine is imagined as being at the core of the Russkiy Mir and therefore being Russian in essence. Kazakhstan, on the other hand, is imagined as belonging to the Russkiy Mir because it owes its existence to the Russians and Soviets. The findings of these thesis foster a better understanding of Russian post-imperial discourse and consequence foreign policy in the post-Soviet space.
Identity in a country in transit: external projections vs internal conceptions of the Caspian macroregion from the perspective of Kazakhstan
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Stage, Harry John; Mach, Zdzisław, juhendaja; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
English-language political discourse on relations of states surrounding the Caspian Sea is increasingly constructed through geopolitical language, rooted in contestation, conflict and instability in international political discourse. This thesis critically examines the ‘Caspian Region’, a term first politicised in US foreign policy strategic discourse, to understand how this space is understood from the perspective of those who live and work there. This research is premised on the basis that the Caspian Region, like all political norms and societal structures, is socially constructed. The author rejects the normative view that regions and boundaries are permanent or immovable. Therefore, the Constructivist School of IR provides the intellectual backdrop to the inquiry. Critic Geopolitics and Neoregionalism augment this field to critically analyse the conventional world map and gain the ontological perspective required to encapsulate organic processes of region-building within a certain space. Using identity as an ‘eye-opener’, the author seeks to determine the importance of the spatial element of the foreign policy priorities of Kazakhstan and how individuals locate this. To do so, 16 academics, foreign policy analysts, and strategists from or based in Kazakhstan have been interviewed. This research finds that the external construction of a ‘Caspian Region’ is not matched within a leading state of the area concerned. The reasons for this are found in political, cultural and spatial relationships and processes. Kazakhstan does not see the Caspian Region as a profitable project. The political will required to undertake structural changes is lacking. Following centuries of Imperial Russian then Soviet political, economic and cultural superiority imposed on Kazakhstan, in the period since independence 1991 the country and its citizens have been in renegotiating what it means to be Kazakh. A process hastened by Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Most Kazakhs are hesitant to engage in further cooperation in a Russia-dominated political project, underpinned by multivectorism -- Kazakhstan’s central foreign policy doctrine that seeks to balance regional superpowers – which supersedes relations with one pole at the expense of another. Kazakhstan’s regional priorities instead like in the concept of Central Asian/Eurasian states, not influenced by regional powers Russian and Iran. What the US sees as contestable space continues to be Russia’s backyard. Local ideational forces inhibit the state’s ability to act in tandem with the regional superpower to develop a regional project. The contestation over key concepts used in popular political discourses leads the author to propose a novel framework for studying this space in International Relations, contributing to the decolonization of Central & East European, Russian and Eurasian Studies discourse. The author argues that the political culture of Kazakhstan and systems of (pan) national identification locate region building priorities for Kazakhstan in Central Asia, rather than the ‘Caspian Region’.
David against Goliath à la Polonaise. Opposition responding strategies towards populist right-wing Law and Justice in rule-of-law debates 2015-2023
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Gnoińska, Ania Irena; Styczyńska, Natasza, juhendaja; Terry, George Spencer, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
In the Polish case of recent right-wing populism, this thesis pioneered opposition response strategies of two established and assumed non-populist opposition actors, PO (KO) and SLD, towards populist right-wing incumbent PiS. Perceiving of populism as a political style that features an appeal to ‘the people’ versus ‘the elite’, ‘bad manners’ and the performance of crisis, breakdown or threat (Moffitt, 2016b: 45), the two research questions sought to answer were what strategies PO employed to respond to the populist right-wing PiS in rule-of-law debates in the Sejm 2015-2019, and what strategies KO and the SLD employed to respond to the populist right-wing PiS in rule-of-law debates 2019-2023. Defining party strategies as results-orientated constructs of political actors that bear on crosssituational goal-means-environment calculations (Raschke & Tils, 2011: 56-57), PO (KO)’s and SLD’s strategies were analysed employing the party response typology by Albertazzi et al. (2021). The analysis was conducted as a qualitative content analysis of opposition statements in 16 randomly chosen rule-of-law debates in the Sejm between November 2015 and July 2023. The analysis found a strategy pattern (clashing, co-optation, cooperation, other strategies) displayed by both PO (KO) and SLD. Both parties revealed a populist behaviour perpetuated by qua actor co-optation of PiS. While PO (KO) showed a distinct populist behaviour itself, SLD appeared more moderate mediating the duopoly between PO (KO) and PiS. These findings suggest that Polish party competition is not a contestation between non-populists and populists. Co-optation of strategy becomes crucial for opposition actors responding to a populist incumbent.
Foreign fighters and strategic communications: the Georgian Legion
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Martin, E. Liam; Taras, Fedirko, juhendaja; Pavlenishvili, Nino, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The subject of foreign fighters has invited significant scholarly inquiry, particularly in the wake of the Global War on Terror. However, much of this research has remained limited to studying the motivation for the participation of these combatants rather than the means by which they conduct their efforts. Moreover, foreign fighter scholarship has often restricted the scope of study to those participating in insurgent groups, despite the presence of thousands of foreign volunteer fighters in Ukraine since 2014. This study moves beyond these outdated paradigms in exploring how one of the most prolific groups of foreign fighters in Ukraine, the Georgian National Legion (GNL), made extensive use of strategic communications to accomplish its objectives. Acknowledging the increasingly blurred line between private and public actors in modern conflict, this study makes novel use of concepts from strategic communications literature such as stakeholder theory, branding, and framing in order to analyze collected posts from the GNL’s Telegram channel through thematic coding. The study further applies these concepts in analyzing public interviews from the GNL commander with members of the press as well as the GNL website, ultimately finding that the GNL has developed an increasingly sophisticated strategic communication operation in the face of growing challenges with the onset of Russia’s 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine. In addition to illuminating key strategic communications concepts for foreign fighters groups, the study also bears implications regarding the nature of modern conflict in relation to the state and its monopoly on war.

Sirvi

Viimati lisatud