Central and East European, Russian and Eurasian Studies (CEERES) – Master’s Theses

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Across the “curtain” and within the “bloc” – political opinion of Maoist parties and organizations in Central and East Europe from the perspective of international politics
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Xu, Risheng; Zoltán, Balázs, juhendaja; Unkovski-Korica, Vladimir, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis explores the political opinion of Maoist parties and organizations in Central and East Europe. As an important topic in the field of Cold War studies, considerable amounts of research on the global Maoism and Maoist movement are concentrated on the developed world of the West and the vast developing world of Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Yet for the Central and East Europe at the frontier of the Cold War confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union, Maoist movement of this region has been little studied comparatively. The recent years witnessed the gradual growth of related studies about the Maoist movement in Central and East Europe, but most of the limited literature mainly tried to outline the major historical timeline of the Maoist movement or to give overview about the lives of specific leaders of the CEE Maoist group but lacks deeper analysis of their organizational documents concerning their political programme and opinion as organized group. The thesis tries to focus on Maoist political parties and organizations emerged within the Eastern Bloc and make a detailed analysis of their crucial document defining the core proposition of their organizations with special attention to the substance of their theoretical principle and claiming proposal in the replenishment of factual outline from existing literature. By examining the global and regional geopolitical environments, combined with a closer look from international and domestic level at the selected key documents of the CEE Maoist organizations with common theme defining their political identity and proposition, it is an attempt trying to contribute a little bit in pushing from “Was it (Maoism) there?” towards deeper and closer inspection at “Why and What were they (Maoist) struggling (for) there?”
“Acts of translation”: travelling postmemory of the holocaust in Ukraine
(Tartu Ülikool, 2023) Perkis, Amy; Kowalski, Krzysztof, juhendaja; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This dissertation utilises the concepts of travelling memory and postmemory to analyse three 21st century narratives of the Holocaust in Ukraine by members of the Ukrainian Jewish diaspora: Jonathan Safran Foer’s novel Everything is Illuminated (2002), Katja Petrowskaja’s literary memoir Vielleicht Esther: Geschichten (Maybe Esther: Histories) and Dash Art’s performance piece Songs for Babyn Yar (2020-2022). Literature and fictional media have been seen as important containers of historical memory by scholars such as Marianne Hirsch, whose concept of ‘postmemory’ emphasises the role of imaginative investment in processing the traumatic memories of previous generations. This dissertation links postmemory with Astrid Erll’s ‘travelling memory’, unpacking how the chosen works use physical and metaphorical travel to process family histories of the Holocaust in Ukraine. Across three vectors of analysis, Travels through Space, Travels through Time and Travels across Traumatic Borders, I examine the complex process of accessing cross-border and multi-lingual histories, showing how travel forms part of a wider process of ‘working through’ and opens up possibilities for imaginative time travel or the creative remixing of difficult histories. With the ‘Holocaust by Bullets’ still relatively marginalised within both Ukrainian memory and global Holocaust narratives, I also argue that these creative works provide models for subverting paradigms of competitive memory and incorporating the Holocaust in Ukraine within European and trans-Atlantic Holocaust narratives.
Agent and structure: a neoclassical realist approach to the Second Karabakh War
(Tartu Ülikool, 2023) Castro Nogueira, Larissa de; Pavlenishvili, Nino, juhendaja; Kentros Klyszcz, Ivan Ulises, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Analysing the Korean diaspora: a case study of Koryo-saram and Sakhalin Koreans
(Tartu Ülikool, 2022) Jung, Hyogyeong; Banaszkiewicz, Magdalena, juhendaja; Unkovski-Korica, Vladimir, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Koryo-saram and Sakhalin Koreans are ethnic Koreans living in the post-Soviet countries. This paper tries to clarify the terminology regarding these ethnic Koreans in the post-Soviet countries through the diaspora theory, and analyze them further with the concept of the ‘Korean diaspora’ and ‘the place of diaspora’. The research took Small-N comparison and case study method by reviewing Korean, Russian, and English literature. By analysing the Soviet Korean diaspora through ‘homeland-host country-international society’ framework with political, economic and social aspects, ‘the place of diaspora’ is visualised.
An analysis of successful cooperation strategies towards ethnic reconciliation between international and domestic civil society in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Driessen, Danae; Repovac-Nikšić, Valida, juhendaja; Bernard, Sara, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This research explores the notion of reconciliation and its application in Bosnia and Herzegovina by civil society actors. Not only does it attempt to define what reconciliation means to actors on the ground and how it should be approached, but this author also delves into the challenges of various civil society actors operating in a limited area for the same goal. The aim of this project is to shed light on several misunderstandings and assumptions about civil society and reconciliation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, but more importantly to listen to what experts on-site think and offer recommendations for improvement as well as filling gaps in the literature about the more practical side of reconciliation.
As above, so below: communicating foundational myths through monuments. A comparative study of Piłsudski Square (Warsaw) and Independence Square (Kyiv)
(Tartu Ülikool, 2021) Ukhov, Sergei; Kowalski, Krzysztof, juhendaja; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Between 2014 and 2015, Ukraine and Poland experienced drastic political reconfigurations, when the former saw the Revolution of Dignity conducted by grassroots groups, and the latter saw the electoral triumph of the conservative party Law and Justice. The two new powers, contrasting in their nature and goals, almost immediately began to perpetuate political myths that legitimised their rule through various tools of politics of memory, which was etched into the urban cultural landscape of Kyiv and Warsaw, not exclusively, by means of the erection of new monuments. This study explores the discourses communicated by monuments originating on the opposing sides of power relations in order to disclose to what extent the messages that the monuments convey are similar. To do so, the research applies the Social Semiotics approach from Critical Discourse Analysis to the analysis of the Heavenly Hundred Heroes commemoration site located in Independence Square in Kyiv, and the monuments dedicated to Lech Kaczyński and the victims of the Smolensk Air Crash of 10 April 2010 located in Piłsudski Square in Warsaw. The results have shown a high degree of resemblance in the discourses communicated by monuments through various semiotic modes, the main one being the sacredness of what constitutes the power holders’ foundational myth. Other discourses, including grievance and martyrdom, despite the fact that they both belong to the religious domain, demonstrate diverging traits. However, put together these discourses perfectly blend into the common canvas of new post-Communist mythologies regardless of the status of the political agents who are in charge of the creation of those foundational myths.
Behind renaming: state, minorities and toponym changes in Almaty and North Kazakhstan oblasts since 1991
(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Diego Gordon, Maria; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Zardykhan, Zharmukhamed, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Lately renaming of districts, towns and villages in Kazakhstan has drawn attention amongst experts, journalists and curious onlookers equally. The topic has caused particular interest within heated debates on Kazakhstan’s nation-building path and the role that national minorities are meant to occupy in that process. In fact, both media and academia have often portrayed policies of renaming in the country as another sign of an ongoing process of “Kazakhization”. During the last decades, scholarship involved in the study of toponyms has developed approaches closer to critical studies in the belief that the study of the landscape, and the elements which conform it (as it is the case of place-names) can be a useful tool in order to expose the prevailing ideologies behind the ones who author it through acts such as naming and renaming practices, or in other words, the ones who hold the power over it. Therefore, the objective of this work is to understand the attitudes of the Kazakhstani state towards its national minorities through the analysis of the acts of renaming which took place since its independence.
Between declaratory consensus and implementation gap: Polish and Hungarian gas diversification policy dilemma
(Tartu Ülikool, 2023) Ghazaryan, Mkhitar; Pożarlik, Grzegorz, juhendaja; Aliyev, Huseyn, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The presented research is in the realm of energy studies, and it seeks to shed light on the diverging gas diversification implementation approaches of Poland and Hungary. In spite of the fact that these countries have much in common from a historical, economic, social, and geopolitical standpoint, a deepening gap has been observed between their energy policies, which the thesis strives to expose. The study aims at explaining the discrepancy between the formal alignment of the states with respect to the necessity to diversify gas routes/sources and the translation and execution of such objectives in practice via thorough assessment of official documents and secondary sources. Considering the increased energy security concerns and the ongoing need to diversify the gas market in light of geopolitical developments in the region, the core timeframe of the research is the period from 2014 to 2021. While the annexation of Crimea in 2014, as well as deteriorating relations with Russia and threats from its aggressive foreign policy, are seen as the main catalysts for reassessing energy policy, gas disruptions caused by the 2006/2009 crises are also addressed and deemed the foundation for amplification of gas diversification. The research compares the gas diversification strategies of Poland and Hungary, revealing the circumstances that have prompted each country to choose a different path. The thesis’ analysis and conclusions are meant to contribute significantly to the field of energy studies and encourage further research in the subject.
Between the West and Russia: mapping out Georgia's formal, informal, official, and unofficial pathways to foreign policy-making
(Tartu Ülikool, 2023) Smeyers, Emma; Gvalia, Giorgi, juhendaja; Cheskin, Ammon, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The study of the foreign policy of small states, including that of Georgia, is often approached from structural standpoints, which tend to analytically silence the complex dynamics that go on within the state. As such, the multi levelness nature of foreign policy is often ignored. In Georgia, important linkages with both the West and and Russia exist. The way in which such influences permeate the state, and feed complex dynamics both between actors domestically, and between local and international actors, in turn feeding foreign policy action, is the focus of this paper. Rather than engaging in the establishment of causal patterns, it aims to improve structural readings of foreign policy, by looking at the constitution of multi-level, cross-border interactions in GD-led Georgia, and building a set of hypotheses for future research. The concepts of official/unofficial, formal/informal foreign policies are put forth. The concept of “linkage” is mobilised in order to highlight the cross-border ties of the various elements of the polity (leadership, political parties and civil society organisations) It is reinvested in order capture the decentralised making of foreign policy, and the dynamic interaction between transnational connections and foreign policy. Further, a hypothesis on the leadership’s, multi-level balancing is introduced on the basis of Morar and Dembinska (2021)’s “Power Broker” framework, which conceives of the elite as actors seeking to maximise their agentive power. This has one main implication: they seek to balance both domestically and internationally, navigating a complex web of connections. The propensity of such trends, in turn, affecting foreign policy line is explored in the final section of the paper.
Bringing others into line: discourse on the roles within the Russian opposition - a regional glance
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Rudnik, Filip; Golubin, Roman, juhendaja; Makarychev, Andrey, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The theoretical scholarship differentiating between various types of opposition entities, coined originally in the West, was successfully applied to the Russian political habitat. Known mostly as the ‘non-/systemic opposition’ cleavage, the given categorization is being employed by both punditry and academia. This research aims to add the practical perspective on the subject. Although the differentiation is solidly present within the political discourse, it remains not clear how the engaged actors – politicians, activists, scientists – make sense of it. The thesis analyses 14 in-depth interviews with public figures from Nizhny Novgorod, Russia. The non-/systemic categorization in given study is perceived through the post-structuralist lens as the cleavage operates within the political discourse and it is exercised as a political tool. By analysing the way in which the discourse is operated, the goal of the research is not only to define what constitutes the categories but also on the means of political fight connected to it. The cleavage is perceived as a tool to include/exclude, a source of identity and therefore a point of potential resistance. Among the pre-existing variables driving the categorization, the study finds that within the Russian depoliticized habitat factors such as ideology, perception on the past and employed political tools do not determine the political player’s place on the discussed matrix. The thesis reveals that the uniting factor for all the non-systemic forces lays in the approach towards the existing system. Additionally, due to the employed post-structuralist theoretical framework, the contribution reveals the political science vocabulary’s impact on public life. The findings hopefully indicate usefulness of the discursive analysis of the politicised language as it might answer questions on how the political challengers try to exercise their limited power within a skewed political field.
Challenging narratives on bride kidnapping in Kyrgyzstan: the case of women’s non-governmental organisations
(Tartu Ülikool, 2023) Tafforin, Lucie; Ibadildin, Nygmet, juhendaja; Prina, Federica, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
As bride kidnapping has grown associated with Kyrgyzstan, so has the literature on this issue in academia. The rich existing body of work, however, in focusing on political-elite driven reinforcement of tradition in post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan’s search for national identity, often overlooks the societal narratives that justify the practice through the promotion of conservative discourses. It also ignores the important and relevant question of how to end bride kidnapping and who could lead this social change. This thesis, therefore, in order to fill these gaps, studies the narratives articulated by local women’s Non-Governmental Organisations (NGO) working on the issue of bride kidnapping. It does so through interviews with nine representatives of seven Bishkek based-women’s NGOs. This research aims to reveal whether these local actors challenge dominant narratives on this practice, and if so, how and for what purpose. In finding that women’s NGOs largely comply with theoretical assumptions of counter-narrative theory, this research suggests that they can be considered actors of contestation and change on the issue of bride kidnapping in Kyrgyzstan, as long as the political context allows them to operate on the ground. Overall, this study brings to the fore the up until now invisible social forces that are local women’s NGOs.
The change and continuity in the securitization of EU energy narrative(s) and policy in light of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine 2014-2022: the case of the European Parliament
(Tartu Ülikool, 2023) Jiang, Wen-Qing; Linsenmaier, Thomas, juhendaja; Pożarlik, Grzegorz, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The research aims to examine the securitization process of energy policy that has been addressed in the European Parliament debates in light of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine in 2022 while accessing the correlation between the securitization process and the concept of resilience. Bearing in mind that the Union has long been highly dependent on external energy supply, especially Russian-produced fossil fuels such as gas and oil. Apart from the energy dependency, the ideological differences between Russia and the EU consequently influence their geopolitical ambitions, projects, energy narratives, and policies. Such energy dynamics have long existed since the 2000s and have deteriorated. The time frame of the research was set from 2014 to 2022 to trace the progression of the change and continuity of narratives since the Annexation of Crimea in 2014. The research focuses heavily on the inter-subjective dynamics among the political groups during parliamentary debates, which consequently influenced the framing of threats, especially Russia, as a threat to European energy security. Therefore, the research set up a background of a contested European Union regarding the perspectives on Russia’s role in European energy governance and the exercise of energy policies, despite the European Commission’s effort to provide consistent energy narrative and policies. The research findings identified that four narratives tend to be present in terms of energy/energy security during parliamentary debates. In addition, the EU energy discourses and policies tend to lean towards resilient-oriented measures such as fundamental and sustainable change of policies that correspond with the Union’s climate-neutral goals. With regards to the four narratives produced, on the one hand, the EPP, S&D, Renew and Greens/EFA groups shared a similar narrative of Russia as a malign influence on European energy security since 2014; on the other, was the Eurosceptic Left and ID group that would instead go ‘business as usual’ with Russia. Nevertheless, the severity of the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 had the entire parliament taken aback while voicing support for implementing emergency measures, highlighting the technical aspect of the securitization process instead of the ‘speech act’. Lastly, the research concluded that despite innate internal contestation, the European Parliament can act as a securitizing actor when undergoing exogenous shock. Moreover, the narrative produced by the European Commission and Parliament can have an interlocking effect enhancing the Union’s decision-making process.
China’s influence on the quality of democracy in Georgia
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Dzamukashvili, Soso; Zubek, Marcin, juhendaja; Vilson, Maili, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Despite the Georgian Dream’s democratic agenda to change Saakashvili’s authoritarian regime and its success in achieving the closest-ever relations with the European Union, the democratic quality in Georgia witnessed a decrease during the six-year period between 2013 and 2019. Georgia thus failed to make a historical move and deliver a genuine democratic system. Simultaneously, China – an external actor promoting authoritarianism – emerged in the region and since 2013 substantially strengthened relations with Georgia. The current scholarship fails to systematically and theoretically explain the Chinese impact on the democratic quality in Georgia. Hence, the aim of the following case study is to fill the existing research gap and analyse how China has affected the quality of democracy in Georgia during the 2013-2019 period. The study is framed under the combined theoretical framework of the neo-Institutionalism and modified Linkage and Leverage analytical model. The dependent variable of the research is the degree of democracy and the independent variable – the degree of leverage. The study assesses the degrees of economic, political, and normative leverage to evaluate China’s impact on democracy in Georgia. Additionally, the analysis evaluates the European Union’s as well as Russian leverages to Georgia to avoid merely looking at correlation and instead to be able to demonstrate the causality between the democratic quality in Georgia and China’s leverage to Georgia. The research employs secondary statistical data collection and directed (deductive) qualitative content analysis to identify specific data and themes for the assessment of economic, political and normative leverages of China, the European Union and Russia to Georgia. The research results show that the Chinese leverage to Georgia has been low throughout the entire 2013-2019 period and has remained considerably lower than that of the European Union. The study reveals that China’s mechanisms of autocracy promotion in Georgia, i.e. socialisation and soft power, have not influenced the quality of democracy in Georgia during the period between the years 2013 and 2019. Thus, China has had no impact (or minimal) on the quality of democracy in Georgia.
The church and the virus: frontiers of secularization and political theology in contemporary Georgian Orthodoxy
(Tartu Ülikool, 2021) Hinman, Rose Isabella; Nodia, Ghia, juhendaja; Prina, Federica, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This dissertation focuses on how internal ideological dynamics and political theologies of religious institutions shape their articulations of political claims. It explores how the “success” of traditionalist claims can drive formal desecularization at the expense of triggering a liberal backlash. These issues are explored through an in-depth case study of the conflict that emerged in Spring of 2020 between fundamentalists, traditionalists, and liberals in the Georgian Orthodox Church and Orthodox scholarly community over the Holy Synod’s decision not to modify religious services despite the novel coronavirus pandemic and nationwide state of emergency. It finds that the GOC can be characterized as a traditionalist institution due to its tendency to privilege Orthodoxy over other religions, challenge the validity of secular knowledge, and articulate the exercise of religion in terms of human rights. The reasons behind these stances have also been explored. This thesis posits that this episode was caused primarily by a permissive attitude towards ideological division in the Church and an agreement between the traditionalist Patriarchate and fundamentalist segment of the Synod. The liberal critique of the Church’s political claims, which represent a minority political claim, is also explored through the public criticisms of theologians.
The classical reception, royal image and strengthening the king’s power in early modern Poland (1520–1572)
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Rudenko, Oleksii; Niedźwiedź, Jakub, juhendaja; Unkovski-Korica, Vladimir, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
My thesis focuses on the interconnection between the phenomenon of the classical reception—that is the reception of the classical Greek–Roman antiquity and its legacy—and representation of the King (royal imagology) in early modern Polish Kingdom in the sixteenth century. For the analysis of these concepts, my study examines the figure of Sigismund II Augustus Jagiellon (1520–1572), the last Jagiellonian King of Poland and the Grand Duke of Lithuania and the first King of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. His reign was marked by dissemination of the classical images and figures in literature and art. My research stresses the hypothesis that the classical images and symbols were regularly used in shaping and promotion the image of Sigismund Augustus. In particular, these classical symbols deriving from the antiquity strengthened the image of the royal authority in complicated circumstances, such as confrontation with the nobility, reformist Executionist movement, and preparation of the Polish–Lithuanian Union. Promotion of the royal image was made in several ways: via direct visual and textual propaganda and through connotations and context that arose simultaneously. My thesis argues that Sigismund Augustus was regularly compared with or instructed based on the prominent examples of the classical antiquity—Cyrus, Alexander the Great, Octavianus—and this contributed to strengthening of his political positions in early modern Poland. Methodology applied in my research includes art historical and historical methods, literature analysis, involves comparative analysis and broader European context, analysing early modern Central-Eastern Europe as an integral element of Renaissance European politics and culture.
Climate change politics in Putin’s Russia: a civil society perspective
(Tartu Ülikool, 2023) Mohr, Rachel; Cheskin, Ammon, juhendaja; Darchiashvili, David, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The Russian Federation is one of the world’s largest exporters of hydrocarbon energy, and its economy is heavily dependent on fossil fuels. However, in the late 2010s the Putin regime began signaling concern about climate change and joined the Paris Agreement. At the same time, the authoritarian Putin regime has taken great lengths to prevent challenges to its supremacy that could arise from civil society, even on tame topics like the environment. Given these contradictory factors, the relationship between the state and environmental activists is in question. This study explores how environmental activists relate to their authoritarian government and its climate change response in hydrocarbon-dependent Russia. This question is contextualized in a novel theoretical framework of authoritarianism, hydrocarbon superpower culture, climate virtue signaling, and uncivil society that explains Russian climate change politics and how they may affect climate activists. The empirical study is a survey of 12 Russian environmental activists sharing their experiences with and views on the regime and its climate change response. The findings indicate an “uncivil” society split between repressed and co-opted groups, with dissenting activists condemning the regime’s duplicitous climate change rhetoric and the greed that keeps the hydrocarbon system in place. While many environmental activists disapprove of the regime and its environmental policies, activism in Russia is crippled and politicians prioritize the war. These findings shed light on the centrality of authoritarianism to civic life in Putin’s Russia at a time of war and climate crisis.
The Cold War in Latin America: Cuba’s agency and its relationship with the Soviet Union between 1962-1969
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Diaz Guatibonza, Daniel Mateo; Éva, Ványi, juhendaja; Pavlova, Elena, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Cuba’s relationship with the Soviet Union has been explored from various perspectives, with many studies emphasizing the asymmetrical nature of the alliance, particularly highlighting Cuba’s dependence on Soviet economic, military, and scientific assistance. This dissertation, employing a postcolonial theoretical framework and the theory of postcolonial agency, examines Cuba’s agency in its relationship with the Soviet Union during the 1960s, a pivotal decade that marked the outset of the alliance. Through an interpretivist methodological approach, this study analyzes primary sources, including speeches, articles, and documents from the period, to assess Cuba’s agency. The research aims to uncover how Cuba’s leadership pursued its own agenda, in opposition to the Soviet Union’s policy of peaceful coexistence in Latin America. During the 1960s, Cuba championed the National Liberation Struggle in Latin America, advocating for guerrilla warfare as a central strategy, which became a cornerstone of its agency. In contrast, the Soviet Union’s foreign policy in the region was rooted in the principle of peaceful coexistence, prioritizing diplomatic cooperation with local governments. These conflicting stances led to significant diplomatic tensions throughout the decade, eventually culminating in a period of reconciliation by the decade’s end.
Collective memory and memorialization in depictions of Soviet female combatants in Soviet and post-Soviet contexts
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Bawgus, Jessica; Sofronova, Julia, juhendaja; Kay, Rebecca, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The commemorations of the 30th anniversary of the fall of communism in Poland – a fractured memory regime
(Tartu Ülikool, 2020) Nikko, Juho; Kowalski, Krzysztof, juhendaja; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The dissertation examines the 2019 commemorations of the 30th anniversary of the fall of state socialism in Poland, seeking answers to how and why different political actors commemorated the events in the way they did. The commemorations are studied through Michael Bernhard and Jan Kubik’s theory of the politics of memory (2014), according to which political actors adopt different mnemonic actor roles (abnegator, pluralist, warrior, prospective) that in turn determine the memory regime of a commemorative event (unified, pillarised, fractured). The data consists of 29 speeches and texts drawn from thirteen events clustered around the Roundtable Talks and the beginning of June. The speeches are analysed with qualitative content analysis primarily from video recordings. The dissertation updates Bernhard and Kubik’s analysis of the same topic from ten years ago. In 2019, the memory regime pertaining to the events of 1989 remained fractured, with the governing Law and Justice party (PiS) celebrating separately from the opposition. PiS initially attempted to abnegate the commemorations of the Roundtable Talks and the first semi-free elections of 4 June 1989 by not organising major state-endorsed celebrations. In the end, the opposition organised an 11- day celebration in Gdańsk together with local governments, whereas PiS opted for small-scale celebrations in the form of a special sitting of the Senate. Both sides featured mnemonic warriors who rallied around three major narratives. The opposition presented itself as the inheritor of the Solidarity movement and accused PiS of trying to negate this legacy. PiS presented itself as the inheritor of Pope John Paul II and focused on commemorating the 40th anniversary of his first pilgrimage to Poland, presenting this as the beginning of the Solidarity movement. Second, PiS emphasised the dissolution of the first democratically elected government of Jan Olszewski on 4 June 1992 and associated the opposition with the ‘post-communist’ system this allegedly created. Notable mnemonic pluralists included former president Aleksander Kwaśniewski and current president Andrzej Duda (PiS). A comparison with the commemorations of 2009 suggests that being in the opposition prompted the old governing party Civic Platform (PO) to adopt a mnemonic warrior position – a notable change from their earlier pluralist and abnegator stance. In addition, the opposition used the commemorations to kickstart their campaign to the autumn parliamentary elections. Both sides used memory layering – the combining of different memory regimes – as a central strategy. The divided commemorations give no reason to believe that the polarisation of Polish society is going to diminish. On the other hand, the political usefulness of mnemonic conflict about 1989 seems to be receding, with the ideological battle between a liberal and conservative vision of Poland being fought on other fronts.
“Communism” as an empty signifier in the rhetoric of Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (PiS) party in Poland
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Liapin, Ilia; Mach, Zdzisław, juhendaja; Terry, George Spencer, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The thesis is going to utilize discursive approach and Essex school of discourse analysis and analyse the discourse of Polish populist far-right leaders. The main hypothesis is that in the Polish political discourse, due to certain historical premises and state policies (especially in the area of memory and remembrance) the far-right in their discourse utilize the concept of communism\anticommunism as an empty signifier. I will analyse the speeches of the most prominent PiS members and trace the following markers to prove that it is indeed an empty signifier: Lack of Fixed Meaning, Polysemy, Contextual Dependency, Ideological Investment, Shifting or Contested Meanings, Ambiguity and Indeterminacy.

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