Poliitikauuringute instituudi bakalaureusetööd – Bachelor´s theses

Selle kollektsiooni püsiv URIhttps://hdl.handle.net/10062/24342

Kuni 2015.a. Riigiteaduste Instituut

Sirvi

Nüüd näidatakse 1 - 20 443

Valimissüsteemi muudatuste hindamine Eesti parlamendivalimiste näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Vakmann, Kadri; Solvak, Mihkel, juhendaja
The aim of this research was to assess seven theoretical changes of Estonian electoral system based on four evaluation criteria: simplicity, extent of the change, proportionality and fragmentation. The seven changes explored were: replacement of modified d’Hondt with regular or the sequence of Sainte-Laguë, applying natural quota or Droop quota and largest remainders method, increasing district magnitude and losing or decreasing national threshold. To give an assessment to these changes of electoral rules, an experiment was carried out with data from the last two elections of Estonian parliament in 2007 and 2011. Effects of the change were considered positive if they made the electoral system simpler, did not assume huge changes in the existing system, gave more proportional results and did not increase fragmentation considerably. Based on the criteria and the data, the best changes were replacing modified d’Hondt with regular one in the compensational tier and decreasing the threshold to 3% or losing it altogether. Both of these changes made the electoral system less complicated, they were not large-scale changes, they brought about a more proportional seat distribution and they did not make the parliament considerably more fragmented than the actual electoral system. It is important to note that the results of this research have their limits. The experiment showed that from the perspective of proportionality and fragmentation, same changes of electoral system may give different results. The effects of the particular system do not depend only on electoral rules, but importantly also on the input – distribution of electorate’s votes among parties. The input of the two elections, whose data was used in the experiment, was quite different. That made possible that the same changes affected proportionality and fragmentation differently in each case. To make comprehensive conclusions, it is essential to increase the number of cases studied and test the results on broader data. Secondly, as more or less every aspect of the party system is affected by the electoral system, it is important to use more criteria than in this work in assessing the effects of changing the electoral system.
Migratsioonitrendid tänapäeva Euroopas - Suurbritannia näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Kents, Liisi; Toomla, Rein; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The object of this Bachelor Thesis is to describe the migration tendencies in today’s Europe based on migration of United Kingdom by pull and push factor theory. This research focuses on United Kingdom mainly because the majority of the sources and legislative material is available in English, making it easier to interpret. United Kingdom has also been one of the post popular migration destinations in Europe within the past ten years. Data and statistics used in this thesis are from Eurostat and Office for National Statistics. As a result of this research it appears that migration tendencies in Europe have changed compared to what they used to be ten years ago. Analysis of the data definitely points to the expansion of European Union back in 2004 which opened important borders between many Eastern and Western Europe countries as a result of which latter then became popular destinations for eastern immigrants. Significant increase of immigrants was seen also in United Kingdom. This Bachelor Thesis will analyze some of the reasons why. E.g. - considering country’s favorable migration and integration politics and law one of the main pulling factors are solid welfare system and economic climate in United Kingdom which provide higher than European Union’s average income to its’ residents. In addition to pull and push factors this research also focuses on different migration types in United Kingdom. It shows that migration politics of United Kingdom differentiates immigrants from Commonwealth countries, European Union and third countries applying different laws and legislations to mentioned groups. This thesis will review the conceptual differences between those regulations. Keywords: Migration Policy of United Kingdom, Migration trends, Netmigration, Push and Pull factors.
Euroopa Liidu ühtse välispoliitika kujunemine konflikti lahendamisel – Liibüa konflikti näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Naaber, Meelis; Veebel, Viljar, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The Lisbon Treaty introduced significant changes to the structure of the Common Security and Foreign Policy of the European Union. The crisis in Libya was the first serious test for the new institutions and members states under the new agreement. The geographical proximity of the conflict and the large influence it had on southern member states demanded action from the EU. The purpose of this thesis was to analyze the possibilities, obstacles and results of the formation of a common foreign policy in the EU in the light of the Europeanization process. In order to achieve these three objectives had to be solved. Firstly, a theoretical approach to the integration of the EU had to be selected as a comparicement for the case study. Secondly, an analysis of the behavior patterns of the actor in the foreign policy sphere was necessary. Lastly, a case study on the Libyan conflict of 2011 was conducted to examine the real life implications of theoretical aspects. Among member states some indications of Europeanization was found, but no progress in comparison with previous actions. France continually tried to upload its policies in order to amplify them. Germany had shown marks of Europeanization in the past but completely discarded them during the Libyan crisis. Great Britain continued its pragmatical relationship with the EU. The results of the study showed a lack of utilization of the mechanisms of Europeanization in the common foreign policy of the EU and the actions of the member states. The institutions of the European Union, with Catherine Ashton as the High Representative of CFSP in initiative, did not fulfill the expectations laid on them. The analysis of her actions and statements showed rather the lack of intensions then possibilities to carry her position into effect. In conclusion, the conducted case study showed rather the ongoing domination of the intergovermentalistic approach to the common foreign policy of the EU then strengthening of the mechanisms of Europeanization.
Põhiseadusliku patriotismi potentsiaal rahvusluse asendajana Eestis
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Aasmäe, Toomas; Piirimäe, Eva, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Since its re-independence in 1991, Estonia has had an immense economic and political success - especially if compared to other ex-soviet states - it has joined NATO and European Union, it is also the only ex-soviet state to adopt the euro currency. But in society-level, it has one large problem still unsolved. One third of the population - the non-Estonians, mainly Russians - are not well-integrated in the society. 7% of the population are Russian citizens and almost as much do not have any citizenship. As non-citizens, their rights on the highest level - voting - are limited to local councils only, the cannot vote or in Parliamentary elections. Even more, many Russians are primarily influenced by Russian state-media and other info channels, leaving them outcast in Estonian society. After the Bronze Riots in state's capital Tallinn in 2007 April, where atmosphere of national conflict rose to unprecedented level since the re-independence, a state-wide debate began in Estonia, primarily about how to improve the integration process and how to further avoid such conflicts. In 2009. Estonian state Ombudsman Indrek Teder reflected, that maybe the best solution to unite the state population as one would be concentrating on the idea of constitutional patriotism instead of nationalism. "Citizens' connection with their country should be rational and based on proven values, not in irrational nationalism and passion", Indrek Teder said. (Teder 2009) But constitutional patriotism is also a still a theoretical concept, which means it isn't proven to be the main basis of any state's national identity and should not be as the only basis of a nation's identity. Estonia cannot be compared to other states that are sometimes brought out as examples of implementing constitutional patriotism (Germany, USA), simply because of our unique geopolitical issues. It might be said that Estonia must be in constant defense position, as long as its neighbor state Russia is politically aggressive and anti-liberal. Nationalism, which was contraindicated to German identity because of their difficult history of its improper use, is preferable in Estonia's position, considering our history of its (Estonian nationalism's) suppression by our neighboring nation. Its removal from the core of citizens' identity would be unrealistic, not to say a security risk. This paper explains that constitutional patriotism has many valuable arguments that should be or already are part of Estonian citizens' identity such as attachment to liberal democracy, equality of all men, etc. Also, it is found that universal constitutional values should be more stressed in Estonian society, but that does not mean abandoning nationalism, just equilibrating it.
Poliitilise ideoloogia mõju kõrghariduse rahastusele
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Pedjasaar, Marleen; Toomla, Rein, juhendaja
This Bachelor thesis discusses the relevance of political ideology in the funding of higher education, concentrating more on Estonia`s example but also analyzing cases in other countries. The topic is relevant in Estonia in 2012 due to the ongoing reforms in higher education. The influence of political ideology has been generally little explored, with articles on funding of higher education concentrating more on economic and demographic than political factors. The author aims to fill this gap in previous research and concentrates on political ideology. Theoretical framework for the study is built on Esping-Andersen`s model of capitalist welfare states. Esping-Andersen divides welfare states into three categories – social democratic, liberal and corporatist-statist. Traditional examples of such welfare states are Sweden, USA and Germany. The author of this thesis chooses one more example for each category (Denmark as part of the social democratic, Austria as part of the corporatist-statist and Great Britain as part of the liberal model) and analyzes whether funding of higher education in the mentioned countries fits into the model proposed by Esping-Andersen. First hypothesis set by this study is that higher education in countries that are part of the social democratic model is funded by the state in a bigger proportion than in countries part of the liberal or corporatist-statist model and this hypothesis proves to be true. The paper also sets a second hypothesis about changes in funding of higher education. It is proposed that when a right-wing party rises to power, the state funding of higher education goes down and when a left-wing party gets the power, state funding of higher education goes up. To prove such correlation, the author draws different graphs based on the statistics about state funding in different countries and then compares bigger fluctuations in funding to the changes in government. The hypothesis does not hold true. 39 It is concluded that changes in funding of higher education are influenced by other factors and not so much by the ideology of party in power. As mentioned, a big part of this thesis concentrates on the case of Estonia. It analyzes party programs prior to parliamentary elections from 1992 to 2011. Four different parties are chosen for this study – Estonian Reform Party (liberal right-wing party), Pro Patria and Res Publica Union (conservative right-wing party), Estonian Centre Party (centrist party), Social Democrats (social democratic party). First it is analyzed whether the programs regarding higher education fit the ideology of the parties and that by and large seems to be the case. It is then analyzed; similarly to the second part of this thesis, whether fluctuations in state funding can be connected to the changes in government and as in previous cases, the author finds no expected correlation.
Uurimustele toetuv linnapoliitika Eestis: linnauurimused ja arendamine Eesti suurimates linnades
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Veskemaa, Harry; Jauhiainen, Jussi S., juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Background. In last couple of decades there have been big changes in cities. Industrial cities based on mass production have been replaced by post-industrial cities. Global and local processes affect simultaneously urban development. Knowledge, innovation and creativity are in the center of urban development to increase quality and attraction of living environment. Whereas development of cities has become more complex and sophisticated, various type of research has become important to keep in touch with different aspects of urban development and to make deliberate and accurate decisions. Aim. The aim of the Bachelor thesis was to find out what kind of research Estonian largest cities (Tallinn ja Tartu) conduct, how it is organized and how it is used? Methods. The information about what kind of research cities do was found on webpages of Tallinn and Tartu. Tallinn has a special research information system and Tartu’s webpage includes a separate research register, where all research done by different departments has been drawn together. To explain how cities organize and use research were carried out unstructured interviews. 6 interviews were conducted – 3 in Tallinn and 3 in Tartu. In both cities was one interview conducted with a person more familiar with reasearch: in Tallinn with the head of the Public Service and Research Department Liina Kilemit and in Tartu with the head of City Development Service Imbi Lang. In both cities 2 additional interviews were carried out. Outcomes. Cities make research in very different spheres: economy, turism, population, public management, transportation, environment, education, social welfare, healtcare and media. Research is predominantly based on need and it is ordered from private companies, universities and ohter science institutions. Research results are used mainly in different developmental documents and plannings.
Rahvusvahelise õiguse roll rahvusvahelises poliitikas: Iraagi ja Liibüa näited
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Päi, Vootele; Luhamaa, Katre, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The goal of this research paper is to analyze the dynamics of international law in the framework of United Nations. The changes and transformations in the world order during the last few decades have been challenging to the basics and the vitality of the international law and the new evolving world order seems to be in need of legal behavioral framework. The aim of the paper is to analyze the functions of modern international law thorough two foreign interventions where armed force was used to achieve goals declared – Iraq and Libya. These two conflicts vary by timeframe and their legality from the viewpoint of international law and the UN Charter. Though there are similarities to be noticed, especially when analyzed thorough the principles of classical just war theory. The empirical experience brought in the paper is analyzed thorough four bigger international relations theory and their approaches to international law. The main theories included are realism, liberalism, institutionalism and rational choice theory. These are the international relations theories that are most open to discussions on international law and analyzing the cases of Iraq and Libya thorough these discourses will probably give the most accurate overview on the past dynamics and the current situation of international law. The conceptions of preventive war and foreign intervention are also to be looked into and the necessity for that is given by the nature of the conflicts analyzed in the empirical part of the paper. The empirical research is based on overall information about military operations in Libya and Iraq. In the case of Libya, a more detail overview of diplomatic statements and policies of Russia, USA, and France are given to analyze their official approaches and interpretations on international law considering the situation in Libya in 2011. The first part of analysis revolves around evaluation of both conflicts considering the classical just theory, which gives a neutral basis to make conclusions about the nature of conflicts. Furthermore, the principles of foreign intervention and the role of UN are analyzed. The goal to be achieved in the synopsis is the fact that the importance of international law is evolving in a multilateral world. Free media and peoples access to information is creating a situation, where countries and their leaders are to be held responsible for their foreign military actions. Not by any specific court, but by the international public and foremost – their voters. The new role of international law is to be a good framework for politicians to explain their actions to gain international public and political support. It is a kind of international PR language, that gives many opportunities but can be also politically fatal when overlooked. In the synopsis also, UNs role in nowadays international relations is explained thorough viewpoints brought in theoretical framework.
Äärmuslikud vaated vasak-parem skaalal ja poliitiline osalemine Euroopa Sotsiaaluuringu küsitluse põhjal
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Tomson, Age; Mölder, Martin, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The aim of the analysis „Political Participation and Placement on Left-Right Scale based on European Social Survey Data“ is to describe the relation between political participation and political views on left-right scale. Socio-economical variables are also added to demonstrate their influence on the previously mentioned relation. Political participation is often understood and analyzed in terms of voting behavior. In this paper broader definition of participation is used. Political participation is an attempt of an individual or a group to influence the process of political decision-making. Taken from the European Social Survey 2011, three possibilities of political participation are considered: singing petition, participating lawful public demonstration and working in another organization. To view political views of individuals, their self-placement on left-right scale is used. At the beginning of this paper I constructed an argument based on theories of Robert E. Lane, David O. Sears and Giovanni Sartori about extreme views and political participation. I claim that people with extreme views tend to be politically more active than people with moderate political views. This claim did not get asserted in this paper. It came out that only people with left-extreme views are politically more active than moderates and right-wing extremists in general are not. The only exception occurred in working in another organization where in some cases there were more active participants among right-wing extremists than among people with moderate views. Higher level of education influenced participation as theory suggested. Participation level was higher among people with 15 years and more education than people with less education. Influence was similar inside all political viewgroups: left-wing extremist, moderates and right-wing extremists as well. Theory also suggests that people with higher level of household income participate more. It also got confirmed as participation rates gradually rise when family income increases. When considering the age of the most active participation, it should be middle age, somewhere between forties and fifties. Current analysis confirms that and shows that people who participate are on an average younger than people who have not participated in last 12 months in specific form of political participation. When looking data about states separately, the main trend is that citizens of European Union old memberstates participate more than people from new memberstates. In addition, in countries where the participation rates are high in general, participation rates of left-wing extremists are extremely high. On the other hand when looking into an example of working in other organizations, participation rate among people who consider themselves right-wing extremists is quite high when compared to signing petitions and attending demonstrations.
Riiklik identiteet kui välispoliitika kujundaja: Eesti välispoliitiliste erisuste seletamine Venemaa ja Gruusia näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Kalm, Helga; Pääbo, Heiko; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
After Estonia joined the European Union and NATO in 2004, there has been a lot of talk about what Estonian identity in foreign politics is and what it should be. There has also been some debate about whether Estonia is too aggressive in its relations with Russia. Building on Alexander Wendt’s idea of social constructivism, we analyzed Estonian foreign policy towards Russia and Georgia. Estonia has close relations with both of the countries. Also both of the countries have had some internal problems in regards to democracy. We looked at the representations of Russia and Georgia in the speeches of the Minister of Foreign Affairs. The analysis starts with the year 1994 as the transition period started to stabilize and clear long-term policies were beginning to be formed. After analyzing the representations of Russia and Georgia we also looked at the representation of the 2008 conflict between Russia and Georgia in the discourse of the Minister of Foreign Affairs. In general, Russia is seen as aggressive actor in International Relations that does not respect international law and is unwilling to cooperate in economic and boarder issues. After concluding that Georgia is represented mainly as a recipient of development aid and as a victim in the conflict, we looked at Estonian own identity. Estonian self-representation as a democratic European country conflicts with Russian and Georgian type identity, as both of them are less democratic. In the case of relations with Georgia it does not stop the formation of collective identity, which is mainly based on homogeneity and common fate. However, in relations with Russia it adds to the already existing image of Russia being an aggressive state that is unpredictable. In short, it further disables the formation of a collective identity, which is a base for friendly relations between countries. In conclusion, we can see that different identities influence relations differently depending on the context and that in the course of interaction these identities are being constantly reproduced.
Euroopa Liidu võimalused konditsionaalsuse kasutamisel Türgi liitumisprotsessis
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Hakk, Janar; Veebel, Viljar, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The purpose of this paper is to explain the politics of Turkey’s accession into the EU by the use of conditionality. The main conclusion is that in order to most effectively assist Turkey in it’s democratization process, the EU should clearly state the accession of Turkey as the prize for fulfilling the Copenhagen criteria. Mixed and negative signals by the EU and it’s member states leads to disappointment in the Turkish public, which in turns means less support for policies demanded by the EU. Turkey’s, currently the 3rd most populous country in Europe next to Russia and Germany, quest for westernization and democratization is of great importance for the whole region. With it’s economic and military capabilities, while also being a democratic and secular muslim state it could be a great asset for the EU in it’s dealing with other countries in the neaby area. Making Turkey a member of the EU would be good for the reputation of both sides. Turkey would without a question be considered a democratic country with rule of law and respect for human rights as well as other positive connotations being a member of the EU brings forth. The EU would also gain credibility with its support for multiculturalism and equality of peoples no matter their religion or cultural background. Relations with muslim countries would probably thus be also a bit easier to handle. In reality, however, prejudice and political populism inside the EU is a strong force which hinders the EU’s ability to effectively influence Turkey by the use of conditionality. Giving Turkey more both moral and material support would surely give wished results in policy change, as it can be seen that westernization and thus democratization is the most important goal for the country even if no support from the EU can be had. The goal for Turkey is not the EU in itself, but the characteristics associated with it. There are no real big risks that Turkey could bring to the EU, as most effects seen as negative, such as budgetary stress and institutional troubles could be managed by a series of reforms, which would probably be needed anyway. Thus it would be wise for the EU to try to minimize discouraging remarks on Turkey and instead make full use of Turkey’s enthusiasm by clearly offering it membership if the conditions are met.
Väliskaubanduse mahu ja tasakaalu seosed riikide kaubandusprotektsionistliku poliitikaga
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Kraavik, Raido; Solvak, Mihkel, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The reasons and outcomes of trade protectionist policies have been examined by many researchers, in particular in the last two decades. The interest in this area have been intensified in recent years mostly due to the severe financial crises. From theoretic standpoint, the relations between trade protectionist policies and external trade are quite clear. Nevertheless, from empiric point of view no uncontested relations have been found. At the same time these questions are to be solved by policy makers as the peril of protectionist wave is very topical. In these circumstances it is vital to bring some clarity to this issue of dissenting opinions. According to this, the aim of the research is to clarify the relations between trade protectionist policies and export, import and net export. As we cannot defy the structural differences between countries, these relations are analyzed separately among countries with different levels of development. To meet the objective of this research, first, it is essential to explain the concept of trade protectionism and the resulting global impacts as well as the interests of specific countries. Second, it is important to ascertain the theoretic or expected relations of issue concerned. Third, it is needful to examine through empiric analysis whether and to what extent these expectations stand in real world. From theoretic viewpoint, it is expected that an increase in the level of protectionism leads to lower level of both export and import. All in all, these impacts are equal and therefore there is no effect on net export at all. This model expects constant value of savings and investments. To examine these relations between countries, it is needed to reduce the impact of different levels of savings and investments, i.e. structural differences between countries. To do this, all cases are separated based on income level to low, lower middle, upper middle and high income cases. By analyzing these relations, differences according to income levels have been revealed, in particular in relations between trade protectionism and balance of external trade. Since export and import as percentage of GDP decrease in most cases as the level of protectionism increases, this can be linked to theoretic approach. However, the relations are not as simple when we look at balance of external trade. Low income countries on average maintain the level of net export as the level of protectionism increases and that is exactly what theory have approved. The results are more interesting in cases of middle and high income countries. Middle income countries on average seem to improve the balance of external trade while turning more protectionist. On the contrary, high income countries on average improve net export in case of liberalisation of trade policy. The result that protectionism may affect the balance of external trade is the most remarkable finding in this study. As can be seen, only highly developed countries may get direct economic benefits from liberalisation of trade through improving net export. This is most probably going to be the main obstacle why further trade liberalisation will not be very successful. The most presumable solution for this would be to change the system of getting benefits at least as much as no specific countries could get considerable damage. Otherwise, there is a great threat that a protectionist wave is going to take place. The consequence of latter would be notable economic loss for almost all countries.
Väikeste ja keskmiste ettevõtete ligipääs riigihangetele Euroopa Liidus. Eesti näidetel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Männama, Urvo; Kivistik, Kats, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Small and medium enterprises (SME-s) are the backbone of the EU economy, generating more than 2/3 of the GDP and employing 99% of the working force in the EU. However, the area where SME-s are lacking the most is the public procurement market, where as a general rule, they are consider under represented. Mainly due to the fact that larger corporations are more successful in winning government contracts. European Commission passed the „Small Business Act“ in 2011 and its main idea is to promote the new law-making principle – „think small first“. The idea behind the principle is to have all the member states to passing laws, which take the SME-s interest into consideration as the first priority and thus helping reduce the bureocracy and increasing the competitivness of the SME-s compared with bigger businesses. The aim of this thesis is to find out the main hindering facts that prevent SME-s to be as successful in government organized tenders and to promote find possible to the issues addressed. The focus of the thesis is mainly on Estonia, but also about the general trends in the EU. Based on the research, there are amongst other factors, two main reasons for the SME-s to be not as efficient in public tenders: 1) Too complicated tender procedures and the lack of e-tender systems. 2) Corruption. In order to increase the SME-s access and participation in public procurement tenders, the first things that need to be done from the institutional perspective is to have the tenders organized in a trasparent way, where the documents and other necessary requirements are publicly and openly available to all the interested parties. Thus, there is also a need for e-procurement systems, where the info help tools are readily available for the SME-s. Currently, there is already a similar system built in Estonia, but as it is still in development, the real benefits of it have still not been proved. At the same time, there are many countries within the EU that do not have the e-procurement systems developed at all. Corruption is seen as one of the most difficult issue to tackle, as it is relatively difficult to assess. Many countries have the lack of resources to have proper authorities in order to conduct surveillance on their public servants. However, corruption is not s serious concern in many countries, especially in the more developed Western and Northern European countries. Since the focus of this paper was Estonia, then it is rather clear to say that corruption is seen as a clear problem based on the findings presented in this thesis.
Demokraatia jätkusuutlikkuse võimalikkusest Eestis 1933. aasta põhiseaduse järgi
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Karelsohn, Hans; Kasekamp, Andres; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Estonia had its first constitution adopted in 1920, just two years after gaining independence. It might not be well known that a new constitution – officially a law for changing the existing constitution – composed by the Estonian Veterans’ League, was adopted by the citizens of Estonia in a referendum in octobre of 1933. Just a few months later, in march 1934, the rightist politician Konstantin Päts made a coup d’état with his fellow general Johan Laidoner. They established an authoritarian dictatorship, not following the new constitution. Thereby, Päts himself declared that this constitution was so poorly composed that it easily led him to take full control of the power. Since a lot of nowadays’ historical approaches of that era are based on the works composed between 1934 and 1991, there have been claims as if the constitution of 1933 was authoritarian or even fascist. This might lead to false interpretations amongst the Estonians today. Therefore it was important to analyse if a democratic regime was possible according to the Veterans’ League’s constitution as they themselves claimed. We took under review different aspects of democracy, also looked at it from a point of view of the constitutional law. Since it was announced by the Veterans’ League that their constitution would have established a presidential democracy, we had to take a look at the risks that would accompany this regime. It was also necessary to take a peek at the Estonian Veterans’ League movement itself, since its policy and goals in Estonia in the 1930s gave an idea, what they were hoping to achieve when changing the constitution. We also saw some opinions of the contemporary lawyers and politicians about the new constitution. Finally, the most important thing was to analyse the changes of the constitution themselves, occasionally comparing them to the current Estonian constitution and the one from 1920. All in all, it could be said that eventhough the constitution of 1933 complied the needed characteristics of democracy, there were some important shortages. The leader of the executive power, the president, would have been elected directly by the citizens of Estonia. But one of the problems was, for example, that he would have had the chance to constitute decrees and therefore soley influence the work of the parliament. So we could say that the continuity of democracy would have been possible according to the constitution of 1933 but would have depended too much on the person elected as the president: he could have legally established an authoritarian-like regime.
Eurotsoon kui optimaalne valuutapiirkond - poliitilise integratsiooni tähtsus valuutaliidu toimimiseks
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Raudsepp, Joosep; Veebel, Viljar, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The aim of my bachelor thesis was to explore and analyze the euro area according to optimal currency theory. The first part of this thesis gave an overview about the theoretical background, brought out and explained seven main criteria which have to be met in order to create currency union. Furthermore it also viewed the costs and benefits which might occur when adopting single currency and joining the monetary union. The empirical part focused on putting the theory into practice. All seven previously mentioned criteria – price and wage flexibility, factor mobility, degree of economic openness, market integration, similarities of inflation rates and finally, fiscal and political integration were analyzed according to euro area and its member states. As a result of this I found out that only two criteria were more-less fulfilled: these were market integration and similarities of inflation rates. Other criteria were not met and therefore my hypothesis was confirmed: eurozone is not an optimal currency area. I also dedicated whole chapter to the most important criteria: political integration, where I analyzed which interests dominate in the euro area and who benefits from it. I explained two main political models which have influenced eurozone the most. These models were intergovernmental bargaining, a Franco-German deal and supranational politics, international institutions and investors. As a result I found out that the most influential actors in euro area are Germany and France, whose interests dominate in the currency union. Unfortunately this does not benefit the union as a whole and is beneficiary only to the main actors in the euro area. In order to eurozone to function properly the main actors should be supranational instead of intergovernmental. To conclude I must admit that at this moment euro area is definitely not an optimal currency area and as long as there is a lack of political will and integration, the eurozone will not fit to be one also.
Euroopa Kohtu mõju Euroopa Liidu integratsioonitasemele: õppurite õiguste tagamise kaasuste näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Sõrmus, Merilen; Veebel, Viljar, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Although the European Court of Justice has sometimes even been called the "motor of integration" and the driving force of integration that influences the level of integration through its case law, this notion has not been commonly adopted and accepted by all theoretical approaches dealing with European integration. Debates on the ways how the role and influence of the Court of Justice on the EU integration process should be interpreted are still topical. The choice of subject for this Bachelor's thesis is based on the fact that the free movement of students in the EU and studies in other Member States have become such a common part of everyday life that the author of the thesis became interested in finding out whether and which changes have taken place in connection with the rights of students. The subject of the thesis is topical as the number of students who use the opportunity to move freely in the EU area without internal borders and to study in another Member State has statistically been growing yearly. The aim of the Bachelor's thesis was to analyse the influence of the Court of Justice on the integration level of the European Union and to find an answer to the question whether and in which cases the decisions of the Court of Justice can influence this integration level. The thesis concentrated on the analysis of the rights of students and the European Communities’ competence for education and the role of the Court of Justice in this process. The thesis posed the following hypothesis: the European Court of Justice has a dominant effect on the integration level of the European Union, but this is true only if the Member States lack a common position on the issue brought before the Court of Justice. The empirical data comprised five of the most important rulings of the Court of Justice on students' rights, which were also referred to most frequently in specialised literature. The aim of the methodological framework created for analysing the empirical data and of the analysis was to determine which of the integration theories dealt with in the thesis, i.e. neofunctionalism or liberal intergovernmentalism, better explains European integration. The empirical analysis was carried out separately for each case, but the analysed data were compared to test the hypothesis, and general conclusions were drawn on this basis. The results of the analysis did not confirm the hypothesis of the thesis and the influence of the Court of Justice on the integration level had to be affirmed even in situations where the Member States had a common position which was almost without exception contrary to the opinion of the Court of Justice on the specific issue. The ruling of the Gravier case showed that the Court of Justice does not allow Member States to dictate the way how to interpret Community law or how to define a specific term (in this case the term "vocational training") in Community law. Basically the court stated in the Gravier ruling that the possibilities for obtaining education and internships and participation in studies are regulated by Community law, which is why it is forbidden to discriminate against students from other Member States on the basis of citizenship, which also applies to prescribing an enrolment fee as a precondition to being admitted to a vocational training course. The court ruling in the Blaizot case where the Court found that the term "vocational training" does not exclude university education and extended this term on certain conditions also to university studies was one step forward in increasing integration in the field of the Community's competence for education. The change in the integration level could not be considered defined in the ruling made in the Brown case where the Court stated clearly that the development level of Community law regarding competence for education during the preliminary ruling does not allow for subsistence and education allowances given to university students of other Member States to be considered to belong within the scope of the Treaties. While in the Gravier and Blaizot case, the Member States submitting their comments lacked the necessary number of votes to have a blocking minority in the Council of the European Union during the preliminary ruling procedure, which would have allowed them to block unfavourable decisions taken via qualified majority voting in the Council of the European Union, the blocking minority was reached in the Brown case. In the Grzelczyk case the Court of Justice dealt with rights stemming from European Union citizenship and solved issues related to the conditions of receiving social benefits. The Court of Justice stated in its ruling that developments have taken place in the EU’s competence for education, making it necessary to change previous case law, i.e. the statements of the Brown case, and to take the position that the EU law recognises certain financial solidarity between Member States and hence also the right of students from other Member States to receive social benefits if certain conditions are met. Despite the existence of a common position of the Member States contradicting the Court of Justice in the Grzelczyk case, the Court made a ruling that could be considered as reinforcing the level of integration. The Member States laid a significantly strong emphasis on the preliminary ruling procedure in the Bidar case, which dealt with issues on receiving study loans, and they took the common position that subsistence allowances do not fall within the scope of the Treaties. Despite the strong opposition by the Member States and the European Commission, the Court found that education allowances in the form of study loans and stipends belong within the scope of the Treaties, and hence extended the rights of students. As the Court of Justice made decisions that clearly increased the rights of students and the Community's competence for education and did this despite the common opposition by the Member States, it can be said that the neofunctionalist integration approach proved to be more accurate. However, the court rulings analysed in this thesis alone are not a sufficient basis to state unambiguously that the Court made rulings reinforcing the integration level regarding the competence for education with the clear aim of increasing its own influence and role, which is why the accuracy of the neofunctionalist integration theory cannot be definitively affirmed. The thesis concludes that the European Union integration process is essentially such a multifaceted and complex process that neither approach alone, i.e. either neofunctionalism or liberal intergovernmentalism, can fully explain the European integration process and the role of intergovernmental institutions in it, which is why further research in this field will be necessary.
Hamas ja Fatah: koostöölepe ja mõju Palestiina poliitilistele protsessidele
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Nils, Nõmm; Kilp, Alar, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The question of Israel and Palestinians has been a burning one for over 60 years. Having its roots in the post II World War era the problem is hard to solve due to its complex nature, several hard to compromise issues and distrust between the sides. The main sticking points dividing the Jews and the Palestinians are the question of East-Jerusalem, continued settlement building and planning on the West-Bank by the Israelis, blockade of Gaza and the refugee problem. The main political forces of the Palestinian National Authority have been divided since 2006 when after the elections differences between Hamas and Fatah broke out, which led to a power-struggle. After intense firefighting the Gaza sector became controlled by an Islamist movement called Hamas while the West-bank stayed under the control of the more pragmatic and secular Fatah. While the two sides have decided to reconcile due to the peace negotiations between Palestinian Liberation Organization (headed by Fatah) and the Israeli government leading nowhere, Hamas still holds to their vision of not recognizing Israel’s right to exist and is willing to use more radical measures to achieve their goals. Since Israel is the de-facto force on the ground, it often chooses to act in a way which is considered hostile and wrong by the Palestinians and in the majority of the cases by the international community as well. Israelis defend their actions by claiming that these kinds of measures are necessary to ensure the security of its people. While it is somewhat understandable due to claims by Hamas made towards Israel and its people, the Israeli reactions and measures have been too extreme as has been constantly stated by the UN and the international community. Israeli government does not seem to be in a hurry to compromise or find a solution to the problem due to constant settlement advancement and limited international pressure. The Palestinians are in a difficult position – on one hand there seems to be no initiative from Israel to continue trying for a peaceful solution to the problem, so for Fatah pushing for a unity government with Hamas would at least unite the Palestinian people under common leadership. On the other hand accepting unity government between Fatah and a terrorist organization Hamas would hinder any chances of stronger international pressure on Israel which would seem to be the only way to end the conflict.
Maakondlike ja kohalike organisatsioonide roll Eesti erakondade struktuuris
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Vellak, Janne; Pettai, Vello, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Political parties as multi-level organizations have become a popular subject for research in recent years (see e.g Thorlakson 2009; Allern ja Saglie 2010; Fabre 2011; Reiser ja Vetter 2011). They are no more exclusively unitary collective actors. Most of them operate at the same time on several power levels – the national level, regional and local level and, within the European Union, the European level as well. (Allern and Saglie 2010, 2). Richard S. Katz has said: „In many cases ( /.../), however, to treat parties as unitary actors would be to dismiss an important – some cases perhaps even the most important – aspect of politics“ (Katz 2005, 87). Secondly, the widespread local presence of parties shows their organizational strength, which is important for democratic consolidation (Tavits 2011). Most of the pointed analyses are in the light of cartel party theory, which states that the relationships between different party faces are more stratarchical than hierarchical. Each face of the party is becoming increasingly autonomous of the others. (Mair 1994, 17) In Estonia we still lack the knowledge about the territorial structure of parties – organizational units, their role and power relationship. The aim of this bachelor’s thesis is to fill the gap by analysing the role of county and municipal party branches in Estonian party structure and comparing its similarity with particular party model. To achieve the purpose of this work I have set the following research tasks: 1) to propose an analytical framework which is suitable for the Estonian case; 2) to describe the party's organizational structure in different party models by using theoretical literature and to define the main functions among the sub-national party branches within different party types and the power relationship with party elite; 3) to analyse party statutes; 4) to formulate questions and interview party representatives to confirm and specify the results of the party statutes analysis; 5) to make conclusions and consider possible links with certain party models. Reviewing existing literature, analysing party statutes and the data collected by interviews I found that in Estonia county and municipality party branches are chiefly the agents of national party, carrying out party policy at the local level. County party branches co-ordinate the activities of municipal party branches and also function as information channels between the central office of the party and the municipal party branches. Municipal party branches deal with local questions. In particular, the functions of county and municipal party branches are connected with member administration, local elections, nominating candidates to parliamentary elections and collecting the opinions of members. There are no significant differences between parties. The organizational structure is starting to equalize. The activities of county and municipal party branches are important for parties. Looking at the roles of county and municipal party branches we can find links with all the mentioned party types (mass party, catch-all party, cartel party and modern elite party). The roles of county and municipal party branches in Estonia are a combination of these models. It can be explained by the impact of Estonian territorial structure.
Huvide ja väärtuste konflikt välispoliitikas dalai-laama Eesti visiitide näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Turu, Taavi; Toomla, Rein, juhendaja
In this work I am explaining the public opinions effect on the official foreign policy of Estonia in the case of Dalai-lama visits. The subject is important because of the conflict between public opinion and official foreign policy. In the theoretical part I have focused on the states foreign policy behavior, nature of the government-in-exile and how states interact with them. The empirical part is divided into three parts. The first part starts with a short overview of the history of the Tibetan government-in-exile. It is important to explain the principles of the Tibetan government-in-exile and also the role of its leader Dalai-lama. In the second part I explain the motives why public opinion supports the government-in-exile. Two main motives behind public opinion support are ideological sympathy and humanitarian values. Then I find out how these motives are used in the policy of Tibetan government-in-exile. To do so it is important to analyze the messages of the Dalai-lama visits. That is why it is necessary to compare all the three visits of the Dalai-lama in Estonia. In the comparison I find out that the messages of the visits have changed by the time and both above mentioned motives are well used in the policy of Tibetan government-in-exile. The third part is focused on the behavior of Estonian state institutions during the Dalai-lama visit. How do different foreign policy institutions welcome Dalai-lama? To answer this question it is useful to examine separately the actions of the government, parliament and president. Comparison of the Dalai-lama visits is the best way to notice changes that have taken place in the practice of the foreign policy related institutions. It is easily seen how during the period of three visits the meetings between government officials and Dalai-lama have grown. Meeting with Dalai-lama has become a decision that is made by government officials themselves. There has developed a group of individuals who have met with Dalai-lama on every visit and regardless of their position. In case of Dalai-lama visits Estonian value based foreign policy depends on the values of public opinion, but also on the values of government officials.
Järelevalve teostamine avalike teenuste lepingulisel delegeerimisel Eesti kohalikes omavalitsustes: kodanikeühenduste näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Rattus, Reelika; Tõnnisson, Kristiina, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
This Bachelor thesis analyzes monitoring contracting out of public services to non-governmental organizations (hereafter: NGO). The relevance of this topic derives from conflicting notions regarding the importance of monitoring. Many authors (Brown and Potoski 2003a: 155; Hefetz and Warner 2004: 186) have stressed the importance of monitoring by the public sector and developing a sufficient capacity to do that when contracting out public services. However, in practice it has been found that in case of contracting out of public services, the public sector might actually be less motivated to conduct monitoring or not be able to do it. Thus, the author aims to provide an analysis regarding the role and importance of the public sector in conducting monitoring when it contracts out public services to NGOs. In particular, the focus is on local governments as contractees and non-profit associations (hereafter: NPA) as contractors in Estonia. In addition, the author seeks to assess Estonian local governments’ monitoring practices in cases of public services contracted out to NPAs. In order to meet these objectives, there are two research tasks: (a) an analysis of theoretical literature and various researches on the subject field and (b) an empirical analysis (based on content analysis of contracts signed between local governments and NPAs and qualitative analysis of semi-structured interviews conducted via telephone with the representatives of local governments) regarding monitoring practices in Estonian local governments. 13 local governments and 34 contracted services were included to the empirical analysis. It appeared that in Estonia the relationships between local governments and NPAs are mostly based on trust and this seems to reduce the relevance of monitoring in the eyes of local governments. Only in a few cases could local governments be considered to be “smart buyers“ in terms of monitoring. Mostly, however, local governments rely on a minimum programme of monitoring in order to collect the overall information regarding service provision and to show that they are not completely passive. In that, the financial control is most important. Thorough monitoring is not conducted on a regular basis and local governments seem to become more active only when problems with service provision should appear. In addition to the trustful relationships between local governments and NPAs, limited local government capacity and few resources also seem to limit the practice of thorough monitoring. It was also surprising that the usage of informal monitoring measures was very popular among Estonian local governments – this, perhaps, can be attributed to the phenomenon of small communities. In conclusion, it is relevant for the local governments to pay more attention to monitoring contracting out of public services as there are potential threats even in case of NGOs.
Konstruktivistlik lähenemine rahvusülese propageerimisvõrgustiku püüdlustele lahendada lapssõduritega seotud humanitaarprobleemi rahvusvahelise normi kehtestamise läbi Child Soldiers International näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Jatsa, Anni; Kilp, Alar, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
This thesis analyses the advocacy of Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers to stop the use of children under the age of 18 in armed conflicts. Since there are organizations that are dedicated to solving the humanitarian issue concerning child soldiers, one could say that the problem is ongoing. In addition to reviewing the actions of the transnational advocacy network the thesis also considers the quality of the additional protocol Optional Protocol to the CRC on the Involvement of Childen in Armed Conflict that supports the norm. The aim of the thesis is to determine how the norm has developed, how the advocacy network has contributed into the development of the norm and why the norm has not yet been internalized. The analysis revealed that the norm is in cascade phase, having already went through emergence and crossed the so called threshold, because most of the states in the international community have accepted the additional protocol that supports the norm. Furthermore, the analysis of the criteria the norm needs to fulfill to be successful proved that the norm could be considered important to states, norm benefit from being related to other humanitarian norms and the notion of protecting vulnerable groups from har. The only harmful quality of the norm has to do with the wide definitions the additional protocol provides which, in turn, offer states the possibility to interpret child soldiers broadly. One could conclude from the analysis of the different politics transnational advocac network Coalition used, that the network bases it’s advocacy mainly on information politics, because thay are most consentrated on sharing adequate and trustworthy infromation. The least used politics is symbol politics that consists only of pictures in reports. Coalition uses also leverage politics to lobby governements and accountability politics which are directed at governments. Lastly, the success criteria for the network were analysed and it was revealed that Coalition has managed to create the issue and but only partially managed to keep it in the agenda because it is has reduced it’s activity mainly to composing reports and seldom organizing public events. Secondly, it was made clear that Coalition had gained leverage over states’s discoursive positions with the states declaring their support, and procedures when the network was part of the creation of OPAC. Coalition has also been successful in obtaining leverage over politics in those counrties that have ratified the additional protocol because they can use accountability politics to shame them. Finally, it was possible to say that the Coalition has failed to gain leverage over states’ actions, because there are states that have ratified the OPAC but don’t follow it. To conclude, it is possible to say that the norm against the use of children in armed conflict has reached the cascade phase and has still to reach internalization, in which it will no longer be in the international agenda. As for the transnational advocacy network Coalition, it has used most of the politics available to them, altough they could emphasize more symbolism to attract more attention from people. They have concentrated only on lobbying governements and organizations and have failed at drawing attention from ordinary people, which they should put more emphasis on in the future, because this would give them an additional ally in their stand against the use of children in armed conflict.

Sirvi

Sirvi Poliitikauuringute instituudi bakalaureusetööd – Bachelor´s theses Kuupäev järgi