Poliitikauuringute instituudi bakalaureusetööd – Bachelor´s theses

Selle kollektsiooni püsiv URIhttps://hdl.handle.net/10062/24342

Kuni 2015.a. Riigiteaduste Instituut

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Karjäärisüsteemi mõju palgasüsteemi arendamisele Eesti kui väikeriigi avaliku teenistuse organisatsioonis Välisministeeriumi näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Aus, Agnes; Pesti, Cerlin, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Euroopa Liidu võimalused konditsionaalsuse kasutamisel Türgi liitumisprotsessis
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Hakk, Janar; Veebel, Viljar, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The purpose of this paper is to explain the politics of Turkey’s accession into the EU by the use of conditionality. The main conclusion is that in order to most effectively assist Turkey in it’s democratization process, the EU should clearly state the accession of Turkey as the prize for fulfilling the Copenhagen criteria. Mixed and negative signals by the EU and it’s member states leads to disappointment in the Turkish public, which in turns means less support for policies demanded by the EU. Turkey’s, currently the 3rd most populous country in Europe next to Russia and Germany, quest for westernization and democratization is of great importance for the whole region. With it’s economic and military capabilities, while also being a democratic and secular muslim state it could be a great asset for the EU in it’s dealing with other countries in the neaby area. Making Turkey a member of the EU would be good for the reputation of both sides. Turkey would without a question be considered a democratic country with rule of law and respect for human rights as well as other positive connotations being a member of the EU brings forth. The EU would also gain credibility with its support for multiculturalism and equality of peoples no matter their religion or cultural background. Relations with muslim countries would probably thus be also a bit easier to handle. In reality, however, prejudice and political populism inside the EU is a strong force which hinders the EU’s ability to effectively influence Turkey by the use of conditionality. Giving Turkey more both moral and material support would surely give wished results in policy change, as it can be seen that westernization and thus democratization is the most important goal for the country even if no support from the EU can be had. The goal for Turkey is not the EU in itself, but the characteristics associated with it. There are no real big risks that Turkey could bring to the EU, as most effects seen as negative, such as budgetary stress and institutional troubles could be managed by a series of reforms, which would probably be needed anyway. Thus it would be wise for the EU to try to minimize discouraging remarks on Turkey and instead make full use of Turkey’s enthusiasm by clearly offering it membership if the conditions are met.
Liberalization as the trigger for transition: president Khatami's unsuccessful attempt to reform Iran
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Roon, Maarja; Kilp, Alar, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Kodanikuühiskond: kriitiline ülevaade mõõtmise meetoditest
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Lillemets, Jüri; Solvak, Mihkel, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Rahvusvähemuste õigused rahvusvahelistele standarditele tuginedes: Eesti Vabariik ja Slovakkia Vabariik
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Grauberg, Kerli; Pettai, Vello, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The aim of this thesis is to show how different conditions in the Slovak Republic and the Republic of Estonian influence their minority policies towards their largest national minority, which is Hungarians in Slovakia and Russians in Estonia. It does so through the protection of national minority rights, which are based on international standards in four categories: language, education, politics and culture. Today, there are a lot of ethnic groups in nation-states, which has given an incentive to international law in regulating the protection of minorities. The European Convention for the Protection of National Minorities that regulates the rights of national minorities, is a guiding force for the states in protecting their national minorities. Namely a guiding force, because minority policies differ from state to state and how the provisions of the convention are being accomplished is decided by the states. In enforcing these provisions and forming minority policy a state is being influenced by different conditions like polity, the size of national minority and their historical background, the question of citizenship and geopolitical position. Hence minority policies differ between the states and securing the rights of national minorities is not unambiguously possible. According to the framework convention the Slovak Republic has put its provisions into practice to a greater extent than the Republic of Estonia, which derives from the fact that hungarian national minority in Slovakia has a more historical background, as they have been belonging to the area for centuries, which is why there is no citizenship problem like in Estonia, where more than half of the persons belonging to russian minority do not have estonian citizenship. The citizenship problem in Estonia also influences other areas of cultural rights, like language and education rights, by putting more emphasis on integration policy. According to the international standards, Slovakia has provided most of the cultural rights in political-, linguistic-, educational- and cultural field, while Estonia has some disadvantages in the first three areas.
Institutsionaalsete tegurite mõju Gruusia, Ukraina ja Kõrgõzstani „värviliste revolutsioonide“ kui poliitilise režiimi siirde läbimurdele
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Mõttus, Andres; Kroon-Assafrei, Uta, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The aim of this study was to analyze the impact of the institutional factors on Georgia: Rose Revolution, Ukraine: Orange Revolution and Kyrgyzstan: Tulip Revolution. Color revolutions. According to Thomas Carothers one of the fifth core assumptions that define transition paradigma democratization tends to unfold in a set sequence of stanges. First there occurs the opening: a periood of democratic ferment and political liberization, secondly follows breakthrough: the collpase of the regime and emergence of a new democratic system and then comes consolidation: a slow process which democratic forms are transformed into democratic substance through the reform of state institutions. According to these theory color revolutions considered to be breakthrough. But it is not the first time for Athose countries to became a transition toward democracy. Asi n the early 1990s with the breakup of the Soviet Union and the establishment of 15 post-Soviet republics: Georgia, Ukraine, amd Kyrgyzstan started to move towards democratic regime, but failed amd with breakthrough of the color revolutins gained second chance for regime transition. The main findgs of tha analyze are four main institutional factors that made color revolutions to come true. As in the first cycle of the transiton of the political regime: observed countries did not move towards domocracy, but became patronal presidentialism, where power resides overwhelmingly in a directly elected presidency and, crucially, this power involves not only formal authority, but immense informal authority based on pervasive patron-client relationships and machine politics. Once representatives of the country elite agree on who is likely to win the struggle, they have great incentive once again to rally around the president, so as to avoid falling out of favor with the new president’s team. Eduard Shevardnadze, Leonid Kuchma and Askar Akaye firstly gained the control of the elites, but afterwards failed to save it and color revolutions could happen. The ohter important institutional factor that made Georgia, Ukraiane and Kyrgyzstan move to transtion of politicla regime is wide promoting democracy and democratical institutions by western countries. As the regimes of these post-communist countries were not so autocratic as some of the others post-communist countries: there were some kind of independent media that had very important impact on color revolutions. As all the cases started arter „stolen elections“ the wide and thrustful broadcasting had huge role in mobilizing the community.
Parteide poliitiliste vaadete roll valitsuskoalitsioonide moodustamisel: Eesti ja Slovakkia näited
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Masing, Indrek; Mölder, Martin, juhendaja
The main aim of this thesis is to assess the possible role of parties policy preferences in coalition formation. Author will assume that coalition will be ideologically coherent around formateur. Author will test this assumption on the cases of Estonia and Slovakia. The role of policy will be assessed on the basis of the data of the Manifesto Project (MP). The Manifesto Project (formerly known as Comparative Manifesto Project) is the most comprehensive and arguably the best available source of information on the policy positions of parties. The project consists of a content analysis of election manifestos whereby the content of manifestos (political statements) is categorized across categories. The proportion of each category for a manifesto is calculated and thus the final data for each party manifesto is the proportions of the manifesto devoted to each of these 57 categories. Almost all previous reserch on this topic has been based on left-right scale. Instead of using left-right scale, author of this thesis will suggest that better way to assess parties ideological proximity is to compare relevant parties election manifestos. Methodology of this thesis is based on two steps. The first thing, which should be done, is to determine the formateur on each case.The second, the Manifesto Project database would be updated and restructured from around elections to around coalition governments, which have actually formed. Also, the policy difference between pairs of 39 political parties will be calculated as the total sum of differences across all the 56 substantive dimensions of the Manifesto Project dataset, which will be used to assess the difference between parties instead of the left-right scale. This would, among other things, allow to create a measure of policy proximity for each coalition by considering the differences between the formateur and its coalition partners versus other parliamentary parties. Results from Estonia and Slovakia show that although policy plays somewhat important role in coalition formation, it is hard to assess is it the main preference when parties choose their government partners.
Heaoluühiskonna sotsiaalmajanduslik jätkusuutlikkus Euroopa Liidu 15 liikmesriigi näitel aastatel 2004-2010
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Mikker, Taavi; Kaldaru, Helje, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
As a result of aging of the population, economic stagnation and financial crisis the question of European welfare society and its sustainability has become a matter again. On this topic there has been many discussions and debates in recent years. The last financial and economic crisis showed that the welfare society may not be so stable as it seems and it's sustainability needs to be questioned. This thesis approaches the problem by defining the welfare state, also by explaining different classification of states or models and different views to the question in the theoretical part of this paper. In the empirical part 15 European Union members are being analyzed according to different socio-economic indicators and the conclusion to the questions raised are made. The main purposes of this thesis is to describe and explain different approaches to welfare state; give an overview of historical development of welfare state; explain the emerged social changes and problems in society; analyze the sustainability of the welfare state in the light of last economic crisis and to make conclusions for development. There has been many approaches and different classification of the welfare states and to the question of country's responsibilities towards its citizens. In this particular thesis the question of classification was solved by defining different states according to the functions of the state and the scale of responsibilities and functions it offers. According to the comparison of the groups and the correlation analysis there is hard to say whether and for how long the welfare society is able to function present way, because the differences in the socio-economic indicators were not so obvious and clear. Despite this, there are clear trends, that can be seen in the indicators, which European countries need to solve by reforming the welfare state model.
Poliitilise ideoloogia mõju kõrghariduse rahastusele
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Pedjasaar, Marleen; Toomla, Rein, juhendaja
This Bachelor thesis discusses the relevance of political ideology in the funding of higher education, concentrating more on Estonia`s example but also analyzing cases in other countries. The topic is relevant in Estonia in 2012 due to the ongoing reforms in higher education. The influence of political ideology has been generally little explored, with articles on funding of higher education concentrating more on economic and demographic than political factors. The author aims to fill this gap in previous research and concentrates on political ideology. Theoretical framework for the study is built on Esping-Andersen`s model of capitalist welfare states. Esping-Andersen divides welfare states into three categories – social democratic, liberal and corporatist-statist. Traditional examples of such welfare states are Sweden, USA and Germany. The author of this thesis chooses one more example for each category (Denmark as part of the social democratic, Austria as part of the corporatist-statist and Great Britain as part of the liberal model) and analyzes whether funding of higher education in the mentioned countries fits into the model proposed by Esping-Andersen. First hypothesis set by this study is that higher education in countries that are part of the social democratic model is funded by the state in a bigger proportion than in countries part of the liberal or corporatist-statist model and this hypothesis proves to be true. The paper also sets a second hypothesis about changes in funding of higher education. It is proposed that when a right-wing party rises to power, the state funding of higher education goes down and when a left-wing party gets the power, state funding of higher education goes up. To prove such correlation, the author draws different graphs based on the statistics about state funding in different countries and then compares bigger fluctuations in funding to the changes in government. The hypothesis does not hold true. 39 It is concluded that changes in funding of higher education are influenced by other factors and not so much by the ideology of party in power. As mentioned, a big part of this thesis concentrates on the case of Estonia. It analyzes party programs prior to parliamentary elections from 1992 to 2011. Four different parties are chosen for this study – Estonian Reform Party (liberal right-wing party), Pro Patria and Res Publica Union (conservative right-wing party), Estonian Centre Party (centrist party), Social Democrats (social democratic party). First it is analyzed whether the programs regarding higher education fit the ideology of the parties and that by and large seems to be the case. It is then analyzed; similarly to the second part of this thesis, whether fluctuations in state funding can be connected to the changes in government and as in previous cases, the author finds no expected correlation.
Dominantse erakonna mõju poliitilisele kultuurile: erakond Ühtne Venemaa näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Sepp, Jorma; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The aim of the thesis was to find out how a dominant party affects the political culture, using the Russian Federation and the United Russia party as an example. The theoretical part gives a thorough overview of the concepts of political culture and dominant party. Theories presented point out the meaning of political culture and explain it in the context of an authoritarian system and also explain the relationship between citizens and authoritative political culture. Also, it discusses the notion of ‘dominant party’. For carrying out the empirical research, a method of grounded theory was used, based on a hypothesis that was tested for validity – the stronger the control of the dominant party in the political culture, the more passive the changes in the political system. The empirical study of the Russian Federation and the United Russia party showed that the party is dominant in its country and oriented towards power. The party has chronological dominance, dominant bargaining position, access to state resources, and it has monopolized the media. Also, it has a flexible political strategy, active mobilization of socio-economic groups and a party-created dominance that cannot be ignored in the country. The empirical analysis also revealed that the party has influenced the political system of the country by using its dominance, as the access to state resources favors the actions of the party and does not give political freedom and equality to the opposition. The analysis pointed out that the country is majorly affected by the Soviet legacy. Leading politicians have been socialized in it and they carry it on via new symbols. The same conclusion appeared in the analysis of Russian political system where United Russia is similar to a Soviet Union Communist party, affecting political institutions and thereby also the political culture to its advantage. By analyzing the civil society system, it appeared that the political culture of the Russian Federation can be described as a subject-oriented political culture where citizens know about the situation in their political system but do not see their possibilities to affect it. Qualitative data showed that the political system is at the beginning of transition to a participational political culture, as there is very limited amount of active grassroots politics present in Russia. As a result of the dominant United Russia, the political culture of Russia is not independent and does not create political structure. In conclusion, the study revealed that the stronger the role of dominant party in the political culture, the more passive the changes in the political system. As a result of nationwide activities of the dominant party, the political structure it has created affects the political culture but not vice versa. Due to that fact, it can be said that the political system of a country does not accept changes caused by changes in the society.
Wilsonianismi mõjud USA välispoliitikas: juhtumiuuring 1999. aasta NATO operatsiooni Allied Force’i kohta
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Jõesaar, Mattias; Tomp, Urmet, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
In 1999 NATO attacked Yugoslavia for causing an ethnic conflict and a humanitarian catastrophe in Kosovo. The alliance did not use ground forces, but conducted the operation by air strikes. The given bachelor’s thesis shows on a certain case study how the US implements its Wilsonian foreign policy. The subject is still topical, as the Wilsonian approach is still followed in the US foreign policy and therefore one could predict how certain crises might be dealt with. The purpose of the thesis was to prove that the Operation Allied Force was not merely a humanitarian intervention, but also a Wilsonian mean to consolidate US influence in Europe. For this purpose I framed the concept of Wilsonian foreign policy during the 20th century, presented the facts about Kosovo policy and strategic approaches and finally allocated the Operation Allied Force in the frame of Wilsonian US foreign policy decision-making process. The expected results of the thesis were that the US participation in the Kosovo conflict settlement derived from the Wilsonian approach of the foreign policy. I concluded that the Operation Allied Force was not merely an intervention, which derived from humanitarian considerations, but also a Wilsonian mean to consolidate influence in Europe, because according to domino theory – peculiar to Clinton administration – the conflict in the peripheral Europe could spread into Europe’s core states, which could be dangerous to the USA. In addition, the involvement in the Balkan conflicts consolidated NATO’s strength and importance. NATO is the main US instrument to exercise hegemony over Europe and therefore it could not fail, otherwise it would show signs of weakness. For this purpose, the West – lead by the USA – used a form of coercive diplomacy during the negotiations at Rambouillet. The Rambouillet Accord itself was based on Wilsonian assumptions that when democracy is implemented, the conflict ends. The Operation Allied Force was conducted in a way that it could not fail. The range of targets was gradually increased and in the end the Clinton administration was on the verge of agreeing to a ground invasion, but Slobodan Milošević decided to capitulate before the decision could be taken. However, due to the protection of NATO forces the wider humanitarian catastrophe could not be prevented. In conclusion, the Kosovo conflict and the NATO intervention can be considered an episode of Wilsonian US foreign policy.
Uurimustele toetuv linnapoliitika Eestis: linnauurimused ja arendamine Eesti suurimates linnades
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Veskemaa, Harry; Jauhiainen, Jussi S., juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Background. In last couple of decades there have been big changes in cities. Industrial cities based on mass production have been replaced by post-industrial cities. Global and local processes affect simultaneously urban development. Knowledge, innovation and creativity are in the center of urban development to increase quality and attraction of living environment. Whereas development of cities has become more complex and sophisticated, various type of research has become important to keep in touch with different aspects of urban development and to make deliberate and accurate decisions. Aim. The aim of the Bachelor thesis was to find out what kind of research Estonian largest cities (Tallinn ja Tartu) conduct, how it is organized and how it is used? Methods. The information about what kind of research cities do was found on webpages of Tallinn and Tartu. Tallinn has a special research information system and Tartu’s webpage includes a separate research register, where all research done by different departments has been drawn together. To explain how cities organize and use research were carried out unstructured interviews. 6 interviews were conducted – 3 in Tallinn and 3 in Tartu. In both cities was one interview conducted with a person more familiar with reasearch: in Tallinn with the head of the Public Service and Research Department Liina Kilemit and in Tartu with the head of City Development Service Imbi Lang. In both cities 2 additional interviews were carried out. Outcomes. Cities make research in very different spheres: economy, turism, population, public management, transportation, environment, education, social welfare, healtcare and media. Research is predominantly based on need and it is ordered from private companies, universities and ohter science institutions. Research results are used mainly in different developmental documents and plannings.
Balti riikide energiaalane koostöö lähtudes liberaalsest valitsustevahelisuse teooriast
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Merelaht, Joosep; Veebel, Viljar, juhendaja; Mäe, Andres, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The Baltic countries do not form a homogenous region in terms of energy mixes, supply patterns and policy objectives. Estonia is largely self-sufficient depending on the domestic oil shale production. Natural gas accounts for a slightly more than 10% of the Estonia’s primary energy balance. Lithuania has turned from a regional nuclear power into a largely gas consuming country while attempting to achieve an ambitious „energy independence” objective through various large scale measures: a new nuclear power plant in Visagina, an LNG terminal in Klaipeda, electricity and gas interconnections with Sweden and Poland. Although Latvia has a rather high level of single source gas consumption (around 30%), it wants to become a regional gas distribution hub. Latvia’s central location among the Baltics and, more importantly, vast underground storage potential provides a considerable advantage in the search for regional energy security solutions. The Baltic energy, however have considerable similarities and commonly shared broad challenges. The major challenges and objectives that the Baltics need to address are security of supply, competitive markets and sustainability. The integration of Baltic states „energy islands” into the European „energy mainland” is crucial for European Union energy policy. The European Union has facilitated the adoption of the Baltic Energy Market Integration Plan. Although the first steps have been already taken in electricity interconnections, the next phase would focus more on regional gas market integration. In this regard, interconnections between Estonia and Finland, and Lithuania and Poland are planned. The idea of the LNG-terminal has been put high on agenda in the Baltic states to become one of the important regional objectives with the help of potential EU financing. It shows, how liberal intergovernmentalism has proven right that, eventhough states are declaring cooperation, in the end of the day, the domestic interest are more important. Security of energy supply for the Baltic countries is of strategic importance from a geopolitical as well as an economic perspective. Based on relevant literature and scientific papers, it comes out that, although different strategies and development plans have great potential, they are not able to take advantage of national interest. Obstacles aris from uneven and limited interest in participating of projects and the uncertainty of the measurements. As well as the lack of specific indicators and resources.
Kuidas seletada Euroopa Liidu laienemistõrget
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Mändre, Charis; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
EU Membership perspective has been a strong incentive for reform in many European states for decades and it is still so for the numerous Western Balkan countries. However the future of the EU’s widening processes seems dodgy after the immense expansion to the Eastern and Central European countries in 2004 and 2007. The Union has taken considerable steps to make the accession process more credible and transparent but this has also fed fears that the EU is no longer as committed to the enlargement as previously. In addition to these moods, the widening of the Union faces several more challenges, such as the need to address the current Eurozone crisis efficiently and to increase democracy in the Unions’ institutions. The Western Balkans constitutes a region of many countries which have for long been under conflict. Their ethnical and cultural diversity, added to a complicated history, is often a cause of tension. Bilateral disputes with current member states also seem to be nowhere near a solution. The aim of this thesis is to try and find an understanding of why there is a reluctance for widening in the EU. In the beginning of the thesis I hypothesize that deepening of the integration between the member states is a crucial premise for widening. I put this theory to the test by placing it in the context of previous enlargements and deducting, that several EU’s most important reforms have taken place in order to accommodate future enlargements. In order to draw conclusions for the current candidate countries’ EU prospects, I analyze some if the EU’s inner documents to find out whether the Union is willing to and ready to seriously take on the possibility of new members. My findings suggest that there is some confusion amongst the many players of the Union – some institutions, like the Commission, are more committed to the widening processes than others (the Council). In addition there is much caution between the member states’ themselves, some of whom seem weary of previous enlargements and unsure about the future ones. To understand the complications of the candidate countries, I dissect their current position on their way to the EU. I do this by examining their inner political progress and bilateral issues through the Union’s progress reports and enlargement conclusions. I come to the understanding, that even if the EU itself was prepared to take on new members, there are political disputes and perceptions between candidate and member countries which are difficult to overcome. Thus these issues clog up any future accession in the near term.
Autonoomsed piirkonnad täisdemokraatliku ja hübriidrežiimi tingimustes: Hispaania Kuningriigis asuva Kataloonia ja Venemaa Föderatsioonis asuva Tatarstani näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Halilov, Indrek; Tüür, Karmo, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
In the 21st century, the definite quantity of autonomous regions is contested due to political ambiguity, but the general estimation is that there are under fifty. Autonomous regions with a limited range of legislative and executive power can be defined by several parameters. Primarily historical development, geographical position, ethnic homogeneity, subsidiarity principle and the future outlook of independence. Regarding autonomous regions, there are ones located, both in democratic countries (e.g. United Kingdom, Denmark, Finland), and in non-democratic countries (e.g. Iraq, China). The aim on this undergraduate thesis, is to analyse and to compare autonomous regions, located inside the territory of democratic vis-a-vis non-democratic countries. The thesis, will compare two variables; The Republic of Tatarstan, the federal subject of the Russian Federation and the autonomous entity of Catalan in the Kingdom of Spain. The research, will analyse the differences of regional autonomy, regarding its geographical and political position, either in a democratic or a non-democratic region. Secondly, it will analyse the interests of the central Governments, regarding their strategy on the enlargement or further restrictions, for the autonomous entity. Thirdly, it will study how the autonomous regions have used the power given to them, and what are there perspectives for the future. The thesis paper, will use both qualitative and quantitative research methods to analyse and compare the independent variables which affect the two autonomous regions. The hypothesis is – The preconditions and “true” reasons for an autonomous region to rise from the cradle are quite similar, but regarding further development of the regions, then the autonomous entities in democracies are more likely to gain more power and stability, than the ones in non-democracies. In the research, in order to compare the two autonomous regions, there is a need to analyse the following independent variables: the historical process of regional development, geographical position, population variance, economical power, foreign policy goals, stability of the central power, and the extent of sovereignty given. The research is divided into two parts. The first part will analyse the theoretical definition of an autonomous region. In the second part, the two autonomous regions will be compared, regarding their historical development, their current political and economical situation as well as their future perspectives. Finally, the paper will make assumptions, regarding the possibility of these autonomous regions of becoming independent countries as well as the scope of threats which could occur in the case of devolution.
USA välispoliitilise sekkumise õigustamine ja hegemoonia demokraatide ja vabariiklaste omavahelises võrdluses
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Koorep, Ranno; Kilp, Alar, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The goal of this study was to examine the connection between U.S. foreign intervention, its justifications and hegemony. Attitudes of both democrats and republicans were assessed based on the justifications given by U.S officials to interfere in Kosovo in 1999, and in Iraq in 2003. Also, a perspective for the future was created based on the findings. In the light of upcoming presidential elections and talks about the potential decline of U.S. supremacy, these findings may prove to be useful. The study acknowledged the fact of U.S. hegemony and its strong remaining potential in the world today. It was brought out that the United States has both leadership and dominance, has the capability to merge soft- and hard power and is ready to actually use its supremacy when needed. The main concept of this work is an understanding of U.S. hegemony as a progressive phenomenon, which means that America has always been moving step by step towards bigger involvement and primacy on an international scale. It was also found in the study that the safeguarding of hegemony, foreign intervention and changes in justifications are continuing trends in U.S. defense and foreign policy rather than just policy goals for democrats or republicans. It was stated that America uses its supremacy to redefine international values or terms like sovereignty to find new justifications for interfering. However, some differences were found between democrats and republicans, main one of then being the fact that republicans tend to use more self-seeking and real threat-posing justifications as democrats rely more on moral values and the involvement of international communities. Based on these findings, it can be said that future governments led by republicans might have a bigger tendency to act on their own while democrats pursue hegemonic goals mainly through the work of international organisations.
Islami Koostööorganisatsiooni liikmete solidaarsus või mittesolidaarsus usukaaslaste de jure tunnustamisel: Kosovo näide
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Mäe, Indrek; Toomla, Rein, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The topic of this Bachelor thesis is „Recognitional solidarity or dissolidarity of Organization of the Islamic Conference in the direction of islamic countries: Kosovo example“. The questionable solidarity issue is important in the islamic world because the islamic religion says that solidarity and unity are the most important aspects in taking decisions by government or state. Almost half of the members of OIC do not follow that principle and are not solidary with the new states of the same religion. Kosovo is a good example – the state is not recognised by half of OICs members and it is important to research why this is. Firstly, it is important to describe in what conditions a state has a right for recognision. The islamic law is slightly different form the International law.The first chapter describes the differences and the priorities that have to be accepted by islamic state who wants to be recognised by other islamic states and International community. Secondly there is an assessement which tries to find out if Kosovo has a right for recognition by islamic and International community based on the criterias described in the first chapter. Kosovo have the match with most of the criterias and thus it can be said that islamic countries are not solidary with each other based on recognition problem. The third part of bachelor thesis describes the reasons why there is no solidarity between OIC members and the new islamic states. The most important reason is connected to the fact that dissolidary OIC’s member states have very good relations with Russia, who is not intrested in recognising Kosovo. So, Russia has huge influence to OIC members that do not recognise Kosovo. There are also other reasons for lack of solidarity within islamic world. For example the distribution of the islamic religion and the problems connected with the minorities in the different OIC’s member states.
Maakondlike ja kohalike organisatsioonide roll Eesti erakondade struktuuris
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Vellak, Janne; Pettai, Vello, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Political parties as multi-level organizations have become a popular subject for research in recent years (see e.g Thorlakson 2009; Allern ja Saglie 2010; Fabre 2011; Reiser ja Vetter 2011). They are no more exclusively unitary collective actors. Most of them operate at the same time on several power levels – the national level, regional and local level and, within the European Union, the European level as well. (Allern and Saglie 2010, 2). Richard S. Katz has said: „In many cases ( /.../), however, to treat parties as unitary actors would be to dismiss an important – some cases perhaps even the most important – aspect of politics“ (Katz 2005, 87). Secondly, the widespread local presence of parties shows their organizational strength, which is important for democratic consolidation (Tavits 2011). Most of the pointed analyses are in the light of cartel party theory, which states that the relationships between different party faces are more stratarchical than hierarchical. Each face of the party is becoming increasingly autonomous of the others. (Mair 1994, 17) In Estonia we still lack the knowledge about the territorial structure of parties – organizational units, their role and power relationship. The aim of this bachelor’s thesis is to fill the gap by analysing the role of county and municipal party branches in Estonian party structure and comparing its similarity with particular party model. To achieve the purpose of this work I have set the following research tasks: 1) to propose an analytical framework which is suitable for the Estonian case; 2) to describe the party's organizational structure in different party models by using theoretical literature and to define the main functions among the sub-national party branches within different party types and the power relationship with party elite; 3) to analyse party statutes; 4) to formulate questions and interview party representatives to confirm and specify the results of the party statutes analysis; 5) to make conclusions and consider possible links with certain party models. Reviewing existing literature, analysing party statutes and the data collected by interviews I found that in Estonia county and municipality party branches are chiefly the agents of national party, carrying out party policy at the local level. County party branches co-ordinate the activities of municipal party branches and also function as information channels between the central office of the party and the municipal party branches. Municipal party branches deal with local questions. In particular, the functions of county and municipal party branches are connected with member administration, local elections, nominating candidates to parliamentary elections and collecting the opinions of members. There are no significant differences between parties. The organizational structure is starting to equalize. The activities of county and municipal party branches are important for parties. Looking at the roles of county and municipal party branches we can find links with all the mentioned party types (mass party, catch-all party, cartel party and modern elite party). The roles of county and municipal party branches in Estonia are a combination of these models. It can be explained by the impact of Estonian territorial structure.
Huvide ja väärtuste konflikt välispoliitikas dalai-laama Eesti visiitide näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Turu, Taavi; Toomla, Rein, juhendaja
In this work I am explaining the public opinions effect on the official foreign policy of Estonia in the case of Dalai-lama visits. The subject is important because of the conflict between public opinion and official foreign policy. In the theoretical part I have focused on the states foreign policy behavior, nature of the government-in-exile and how states interact with them. The empirical part is divided into three parts. The first part starts with a short overview of the history of the Tibetan government-in-exile. It is important to explain the principles of the Tibetan government-in-exile and also the role of its leader Dalai-lama. In the second part I explain the motives why public opinion supports the government-in-exile. Two main motives behind public opinion support are ideological sympathy and humanitarian values. Then I find out how these motives are used in the policy of Tibetan government-in-exile. To do so it is important to analyze the messages of the Dalai-lama visits. That is why it is necessary to compare all the three visits of the Dalai-lama in Estonia. In the comparison I find out that the messages of the visits have changed by the time and both above mentioned motives are well used in the policy of Tibetan government-in-exile. The third part is focused on the behavior of Estonian state institutions during the Dalai-lama visit. How do different foreign policy institutions welcome Dalai-lama? To answer this question it is useful to examine separately the actions of the government, parliament and president. Comparison of the Dalai-lama visits is the best way to notice changes that have taken place in the practice of the foreign policy related institutions. It is easily seen how during the period of three visits the meetings between government officials and Dalai-lama have grown. Meeting with Dalai-lama has become a decision that is made by government officials themselves. There has developed a group of individuals who have met with Dalai-lama on every visit and regardless of their position. In case of Dalai-lama visits Estonian value based foreign policy depends on the values of public opinion, but also on the values of government officials.
Konstruktivistlik lähenemine rahvusülese propageerimisvõrgustiku püüdlustele lahendada lapssõduritega seotud humanitaarprobleemi rahvusvahelise normi kehtestamise läbi Child Soldiers International näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Jatsa, Anni; Kilp, Alar, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
This thesis analyses the advocacy of Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers to stop the use of children under the age of 18 in armed conflicts. Since there are organizations that are dedicated to solving the humanitarian issue concerning child soldiers, one could say that the problem is ongoing. In addition to reviewing the actions of the transnational advocacy network the thesis also considers the quality of the additional protocol Optional Protocol to the CRC on the Involvement of Childen in Armed Conflict that supports the norm. The aim of the thesis is to determine how the norm has developed, how the advocacy network has contributed into the development of the norm and why the norm has not yet been internalized. The analysis revealed that the norm is in cascade phase, having already went through emergence and crossed the so called threshold, because most of the states in the international community have accepted the additional protocol that supports the norm. Furthermore, the analysis of the criteria the norm needs to fulfill to be successful proved that the norm could be considered important to states, norm benefit from being related to other humanitarian norms and the notion of protecting vulnerable groups from har. The only harmful quality of the norm has to do with the wide definitions the additional protocol provides which, in turn, offer states the possibility to interpret child soldiers broadly. One could conclude from the analysis of the different politics transnational advocac network Coalition used, that the network bases it’s advocacy mainly on information politics, because thay are most consentrated on sharing adequate and trustworthy infromation. The least used politics is symbol politics that consists only of pictures in reports. Coalition uses also leverage politics to lobby governements and accountability politics which are directed at governments. Lastly, the success criteria for the network were analysed and it was revealed that Coalition has managed to create the issue and but only partially managed to keep it in the agenda because it is has reduced it’s activity mainly to composing reports and seldom organizing public events. Secondly, it was made clear that Coalition had gained leverage over states’s discoursive positions with the states declaring their support, and procedures when the network was part of the creation of OPAC. Coalition has also been successful in obtaining leverage over politics in those counrties that have ratified the additional protocol because they can use accountability politics to shame them. Finally, it was possible to say that the Coalition has failed to gain leverage over states’ actions, because there are states that have ratified the OPAC but don’t follow it. To conclude, it is possible to say that the norm against the use of children in armed conflict has reached the cascade phase and has still to reach internalization, in which it will no longer be in the international agenda. As for the transnational advocacy network Coalition, it has used most of the politics available to them, altough they could emphasize more symbolism to attract more attention from people. They have concentrated only on lobbying governements and organizations and have failed at drawing attention from ordinary people, which they should put more emphasis on in the future, because this would give them an additional ally in their stand against the use of children in armed conflict.

Sirvi

Sirvi Poliitikauuringute instituudi bakalaureusetööd – Bachelor´s theses Kuupäev järgi