Poliitikauuringute instituudi bakalaureusetööd – Bachelor´s theses

Selle kollektsiooni püsiv URIhttps://hdl.handle.net/10062/24342

Kuni 2015.a. Riigiteaduste Instituut

Sirvi

Nüüd näidatakse 1 - 20 443

Maakondlike ja kohalike organisatsioonide roll Eesti erakondade struktuuris
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Vellak, Janne; Pettai, Vello, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Political parties as multi-level organizations have become a popular subject for research in recent years (see e.g Thorlakson 2009; Allern ja Saglie 2010; Fabre 2011; Reiser ja Vetter 2011). They are no more exclusively unitary collective actors. Most of them operate at the same time on several power levels – the national level, regional and local level and, within the European Union, the European level as well. (Allern and Saglie 2010, 2). Richard S. Katz has said: „In many cases ( /.../), however, to treat parties as unitary actors would be to dismiss an important – some cases perhaps even the most important – aspect of politics“ (Katz 2005, 87). Secondly, the widespread local presence of parties shows their organizational strength, which is important for democratic consolidation (Tavits 2011). Most of the pointed analyses are in the light of cartel party theory, which states that the relationships between different party faces are more stratarchical than hierarchical. Each face of the party is becoming increasingly autonomous of the others. (Mair 1994, 17) In Estonia we still lack the knowledge about the territorial structure of parties – organizational units, their role and power relationship. The aim of this bachelor’s thesis is to fill the gap by analysing the role of county and municipal party branches in Estonian party structure and comparing its similarity with particular party model. To achieve the purpose of this work I have set the following research tasks: 1) to propose an analytical framework which is suitable for the Estonian case; 2) to describe the party's organizational structure in different party models by using theoretical literature and to define the main functions among the sub-national party branches within different party types and the power relationship with party elite; 3) to analyse party statutes; 4) to formulate questions and interview party representatives to confirm and specify the results of the party statutes analysis; 5) to make conclusions and consider possible links with certain party models. Reviewing existing literature, analysing party statutes and the data collected by interviews I found that in Estonia county and municipality party branches are chiefly the agents of national party, carrying out party policy at the local level. County party branches co-ordinate the activities of municipal party branches and also function as information channels between the central office of the party and the municipal party branches. Municipal party branches deal with local questions. In particular, the functions of county and municipal party branches are connected with member administration, local elections, nominating candidates to parliamentary elections and collecting the opinions of members. There are no significant differences between parties. The organizational structure is starting to equalize. The activities of county and municipal party branches are important for parties. Looking at the roles of county and municipal party branches we can find links with all the mentioned party types (mass party, catch-all party, cartel party and modern elite party). The roles of county and municipal party branches in Estonia are a combination of these models. It can be explained by the impact of Estonian territorial structure.
Huvide ja väärtuste konflikt välispoliitikas dalai-laama Eesti visiitide näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Turu, Taavi; Toomla, Rein, juhendaja
In this work I am explaining the public opinions effect on the official foreign policy of Estonia in the case of Dalai-lama visits. The subject is important because of the conflict between public opinion and official foreign policy. In the theoretical part I have focused on the states foreign policy behavior, nature of the government-in-exile and how states interact with them. The empirical part is divided into three parts. The first part starts with a short overview of the history of the Tibetan government-in-exile. It is important to explain the principles of the Tibetan government-in-exile and also the role of its leader Dalai-lama. In the second part I explain the motives why public opinion supports the government-in-exile. Two main motives behind public opinion support are ideological sympathy and humanitarian values. Then I find out how these motives are used in the policy of Tibetan government-in-exile. To do so it is important to analyze the messages of the Dalai-lama visits. That is why it is necessary to compare all the three visits of the Dalai-lama in Estonia. In the comparison I find out that the messages of the visits have changed by the time and both above mentioned motives are well used in the policy of Tibetan government-in-exile. The third part is focused on the behavior of Estonian state institutions during the Dalai-lama visit. How do different foreign policy institutions welcome Dalai-lama? To answer this question it is useful to examine separately the actions of the government, parliament and president. Comparison of the Dalai-lama visits is the best way to notice changes that have taken place in the practice of the foreign policy related institutions. It is easily seen how during the period of three visits the meetings between government officials and Dalai-lama have grown. Meeting with Dalai-lama has become a decision that is made by government officials themselves. There has developed a group of individuals who have met with Dalai-lama on every visit and regardless of their position. In case of Dalai-lama visits Estonian value based foreign policy depends on the values of public opinion, but also on the values of government officials.
Järelevalve teostamine avalike teenuste lepingulisel delegeerimisel Eesti kohalikes omavalitsustes: kodanikeühenduste näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Rattus, Reelika; Tõnnisson, Kristiina, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
This Bachelor thesis analyzes monitoring contracting out of public services to non-governmental organizations (hereafter: NGO). The relevance of this topic derives from conflicting notions regarding the importance of monitoring. Many authors (Brown and Potoski 2003a: 155; Hefetz and Warner 2004: 186) have stressed the importance of monitoring by the public sector and developing a sufficient capacity to do that when contracting out public services. However, in practice it has been found that in case of contracting out of public services, the public sector might actually be less motivated to conduct monitoring or not be able to do it. Thus, the author aims to provide an analysis regarding the role and importance of the public sector in conducting monitoring when it contracts out public services to NGOs. In particular, the focus is on local governments as contractees and non-profit associations (hereafter: NPA) as contractors in Estonia. In addition, the author seeks to assess Estonian local governments’ monitoring practices in cases of public services contracted out to NPAs. In order to meet these objectives, there are two research tasks: (a) an analysis of theoretical literature and various researches on the subject field and (b) an empirical analysis (based on content analysis of contracts signed between local governments and NPAs and qualitative analysis of semi-structured interviews conducted via telephone with the representatives of local governments) regarding monitoring practices in Estonian local governments. 13 local governments and 34 contracted services were included to the empirical analysis. It appeared that in Estonia the relationships between local governments and NPAs are mostly based on trust and this seems to reduce the relevance of monitoring in the eyes of local governments. Only in a few cases could local governments be considered to be “smart buyers“ in terms of monitoring. Mostly, however, local governments rely on a minimum programme of monitoring in order to collect the overall information regarding service provision and to show that they are not completely passive. In that, the financial control is most important. Thorough monitoring is not conducted on a regular basis and local governments seem to become more active only when problems with service provision should appear. In addition to the trustful relationships between local governments and NPAs, limited local government capacity and few resources also seem to limit the practice of thorough monitoring. It was also surprising that the usage of informal monitoring measures was very popular among Estonian local governments – this, perhaps, can be attributed to the phenomenon of small communities. In conclusion, it is relevant for the local governments to pay more attention to monitoring contracting out of public services as there are potential threats even in case of NGOs.
Konstruktivistlik lähenemine rahvusülese propageerimisvõrgustiku püüdlustele lahendada lapssõduritega seotud humanitaarprobleemi rahvusvahelise normi kehtestamise läbi Child Soldiers International näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Jatsa, Anni; Kilp, Alar, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
This thesis analyses the advocacy of Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers to stop the use of children under the age of 18 in armed conflicts. Since there are organizations that are dedicated to solving the humanitarian issue concerning child soldiers, one could say that the problem is ongoing. In addition to reviewing the actions of the transnational advocacy network the thesis also considers the quality of the additional protocol Optional Protocol to the CRC on the Involvement of Childen in Armed Conflict that supports the norm. The aim of the thesis is to determine how the norm has developed, how the advocacy network has contributed into the development of the norm and why the norm has not yet been internalized. The analysis revealed that the norm is in cascade phase, having already went through emergence and crossed the so called threshold, because most of the states in the international community have accepted the additional protocol that supports the norm. Furthermore, the analysis of the criteria the norm needs to fulfill to be successful proved that the norm could be considered important to states, norm benefit from being related to other humanitarian norms and the notion of protecting vulnerable groups from har. The only harmful quality of the norm has to do with the wide definitions the additional protocol provides which, in turn, offer states the possibility to interpret child soldiers broadly. One could conclude from the analysis of the different politics transnational advocac network Coalition used, that the network bases it’s advocacy mainly on information politics, because thay are most consentrated on sharing adequate and trustworthy infromation. The least used politics is symbol politics that consists only of pictures in reports. Coalition uses also leverage politics to lobby governements and accountability politics which are directed at governments. Lastly, the success criteria for the network were analysed and it was revealed that Coalition has managed to create the issue and but only partially managed to keep it in the agenda because it is has reduced it’s activity mainly to composing reports and seldom organizing public events. Secondly, it was made clear that Coalition had gained leverage over states’s discoursive positions with the states declaring their support, and procedures when the network was part of the creation of OPAC. Coalition has also been successful in obtaining leverage over politics in those counrties that have ratified the additional protocol because they can use accountability politics to shame them. Finally, it was possible to say that the Coalition has failed to gain leverage over states’ actions, because there are states that have ratified the OPAC but don’t follow it. To conclude, it is possible to say that the norm against the use of children in armed conflict has reached the cascade phase and has still to reach internalization, in which it will no longer be in the international agenda. As for the transnational advocacy network Coalition, it has used most of the politics available to them, altough they could emphasize more symbolism to attract more attention from people. They have concentrated only on lobbying governements and organizations and have failed at drawing attention from ordinary people, which they should put more emphasis on in the future, because this would give them an additional ally in their stand against the use of children in armed conflict.
Kuidas muutus Vene-Gruusia sõda rahvusvaheliseks – debatid ÜRO-s
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Kuus, Sandra; Toomla, Rein, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Russia - Georgia war officially took place from 7-15 August 2008, where on the one side was Georgia and on the opposite side were Russian Federation, South-Ossetia and Abkhazian separatists. The purpose of this Bachelor thesis is to analyze the United Nations work and to describe how Russia-Georgia war became international. The analyze is based on the question – did the United Nation do as much as it could to resolve the war. Both countries are members of the United Nation Security Council, but only Russia has a veto. To accomplish the purpose the author used all debates and speeches which took place in the United Nation General Assembly and in the United Nation Security Council. Thereby the author analyzed the report by the United Nation Secretary. During the period of 8 August till 9 October there took place six debates about Russia-Georgia war in the United Nation Security Council which ended with the resolution. The United Nation Security Council’s resolutions are mandatory for all members and 9 October 2008 they voted for the resolution. This resolution describes the results of the debates where 15 members gave a vote. None of the countries used their veto. Resolution decides to extend the mandate of the United Nations mission for a new period terminating 15 February 2009 and decides to remain actively seized of the matter. Considered all debates in the United Nation Security Council and the resolution it can be said that the United Nation did everything what was possible to resolve the conflict peacefully. There was also a theoretical option to make some economic sanctions or use military intervention, but probably Russia would have used its veto.
Venemaa kaasmaalaste poliitika mõju ulatuse hindamine Brubakeri kolmikneksuse teooria põhjal: Narva näide
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Gering, Margus; Kaldur, Kristjan, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The aim of this Bachelor’s thesis is to ascertain the influence of the Russian compatriots’ policy and the local Russian organisations on the residents of Narva (Estonia). Topicality of the issue arises from the common opinion in Estonia, according to which the so-called “fifth column” is influenced by Russian Federation. Following this, the main goal of this study is to examine the extent to which the so-called hypothetical “fifth column” is influenced by the Russian compatriots’ policy and the local Russian organisations, and how it could danger the Estonian internal security. This research could be considered as an original one because it combines earlier theoretical and empirical results of researches in conjunction with the effect of Russian organisations in Estonia, which has not been done previously. For reaching the goals of this research, in the first (theoretical) part of the research it was necessary to study the causes of the hypothetical “fifth column”. Secondly, the author of this research performed a comparative analysis of the Russian compatriots’ policy. On the one hand it describes the officially declared objectives but on the other hand it reflects on the opinions of academic researches and opinions of the Estonian Security Police. Then the research will focus on the analysis of various Russian organisations. In order to achieve all of the above-mentioned goals, the empirical part of the thesis analysed the results of a poll conducted among the residents of Narva. The analysis applied and combined both quantitative and qualitative methods. The quantitative research included an Internet-based poll and the qualitative research comprised of interviews with experts on the present topic. The whole research has been positioned into the “triadic nexus” theory by Rogers Brubaker. Due to the nature of the results of the theoretical and empirical parts, it was possible to place the results into the “triadic nexus” model which was further used to get answers to main question of research. Questions proceeding from the theoretical part of the research were answered by virtue of the empirical analysis. As to the main research question, the author claims that the Russian compatriots’ policy and the local Russian organisations have not had considerable impact on the Russian minority in Narva. The claim has been proved by two main factors. First of all, the poll analysis did not find disproportionable relations to the Russian compatriots’ policy nor the local Russian organisations. Secondly, the author’s claim has been confirmed by experts’ opinions who analyzed the results of poll. Despite there being no direct impact on the Russian minorities, it must be kept in mind that the citizens of Russian Federation and the non-citizenship holders are more sensitive to the Russian compatriots’ policy. However, it should be noted about this finding that the link to Russia does not have a political shade but rather that of national identity and cultural cohesion. In conclusion it can be said that the Russian minority in Narva does not serve a risk on Estonian internal security.
Wilsonianismi mõjud USA välispoliitikas: juhtumiuuring 1999. aasta NATO operatsiooni Allied Force’i kohta
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Jõesaar, Mattias; Tomp, Urmet, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
In 1999 NATO attacked Yugoslavia for causing an ethnic conflict and a humanitarian catastrophe in Kosovo. The alliance did not use ground forces, but conducted the operation by air strikes. The given bachelor’s thesis shows on a certain case study how the US implements its Wilsonian foreign policy. The subject is still topical, as the Wilsonian approach is still followed in the US foreign policy and therefore one could predict how certain crises might be dealt with. The purpose of the thesis was to prove that the Operation Allied Force was not merely a humanitarian intervention, but also a Wilsonian mean to consolidate US influence in Europe. For this purpose I framed the concept of Wilsonian foreign policy during the 20th century, presented the facts about Kosovo policy and strategic approaches and finally allocated the Operation Allied Force in the frame of Wilsonian US foreign policy decision-making process. The expected results of the thesis were that the US participation in the Kosovo conflict settlement derived from the Wilsonian approach of the foreign policy. I concluded that the Operation Allied Force was not merely an intervention, which derived from humanitarian considerations, but also a Wilsonian mean to consolidate influence in Europe, because according to domino theory – peculiar to Clinton administration – the conflict in the peripheral Europe could spread into Europe’s core states, which could be dangerous to the USA. In addition, the involvement in the Balkan conflicts consolidated NATO’s strength and importance. NATO is the main US instrument to exercise hegemony over Europe and therefore it could not fail, otherwise it would show signs of weakness. For this purpose, the West – lead by the USA – used a form of coercive diplomacy during the negotiations at Rambouillet. The Rambouillet Accord itself was based on Wilsonian assumptions that when democracy is implemented, the conflict ends. The Operation Allied Force was conducted in a way that it could not fail. The range of targets was gradually increased and in the end the Clinton administration was on the verge of agreeing to a ground invasion, but Slobodan Milošević decided to capitulate before the decision could be taken. However, due to the protection of NATO forces the wider humanitarian catastrophe could not be prevented. In conclusion, the Kosovo conflict and the NATO intervention can be considered an episode of Wilsonian US foreign policy.
Läti siirdeaja periodiseering ja poliitilised protsessid Lauristini ja Vihalemma siirdeprotsessi raamistiku näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Aljas, Riin; Pettai, Vello, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
In 2011 all three Baltic states celebrated their 20 year anniversary of regaining independence. Despite the similarities between the countries and quite equal starting positions after breaking away from Soviet Union, we can see today, that Baltic countries are not as similar as they used to be. That is, especially in the case of Latvia and Estonia. After the financial crisis of 2009, Estonia has once again gained reputation as the shining star of the Baltics. To see whether this image is a myth or it is just a shallow observation, we should look at the progress made in transition period. Hence, the aim of this bachelor paper was to periodize the past 25 years (1986-2011) of Latvia using the framework, developed by Marju Lauristin and Peeter Vihalemm for periodizing the same era years in Estonia. In addition to getting an overview about Latvian transition, its outcomes and impacts on society, the paper tried to test whether historical periodization is suitable and useful in that kind of transition analysis. The paper claims that the development of two countries have been quite similar, as in the most cases periods crutial for transition match quite perfectly. However, if one looks at the differences, it can be seen that Estonia has been faster and the periods are more distinguishable than in Latvia. Taking account the societal and human development aspect of transformation, it seems that Estonia is not far better off than Latvia, when we leave out corruption. In all other aspects Estonia struggles with the same problems characteristic to all post-soviet nations.
Heaoluühiskonna sotsiaalmajanduslik jätkusuutlikkus Euroopa Liidu 15 liikmesriigi näitel aastatel 2004-2010
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Mikker, Taavi; Kaldaru, Helje, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
As a result of aging of the population, economic stagnation and financial crisis the question of European welfare society and its sustainability has become a matter again. On this topic there has been many discussions and debates in recent years. The last financial and economic crisis showed that the welfare society may not be so stable as it seems and it's sustainability needs to be questioned. This thesis approaches the problem by defining the welfare state, also by explaining different classification of states or models and different views to the question in the theoretical part of this paper. In the empirical part 15 European Union members are being analyzed according to different socio-economic indicators and the conclusion to the questions raised are made. The main purposes of this thesis is to describe and explain different approaches to welfare state; give an overview of historical development of welfare state; explain the emerged social changes and problems in society; analyze the sustainability of the welfare state in the light of last economic crisis and to make conclusions for development. There has been many approaches and different classification of the welfare states and to the question of country's responsibilities towards its citizens. In this particular thesis the question of classification was solved by defining different states according to the functions of the state and the scale of responsibilities and functions it offers. According to the comparison of the groups and the correlation analysis there is hard to say whether and for how long the welfare society is able to function present way, because the differences in the socio-economic indicators were not so obvious and clear. Despite this, there are clear trends, that can be seen in the indicators, which European countries need to solve by reforming the welfare state model.
Liberalization as the trigger for transition: president Khatami's unsuccessful attempt to reform Iran
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Roon, Maarja; Kilp, Alar, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Kodanikuühiskond: kriitiline ülevaade mõõtmise meetoditest
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Lillemets, Jüri; Solvak, Mihkel, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Parteide poliitiliste vaadete roll valitsuskoalitsioonide moodustamisel: Eesti ja Slovakkia näited
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Masing, Indrek; Mölder, Martin, juhendaja
The main aim of this thesis is to assess the possible role of parties policy preferences in coalition formation. Author will assume that coalition will be ideologically coherent around formateur. Author will test this assumption on the cases of Estonia and Slovakia. The role of policy will be assessed on the basis of the data of the Manifesto Project (MP). The Manifesto Project (formerly known as Comparative Manifesto Project) is the most comprehensive and arguably the best available source of information on the policy positions of parties. The project consists of a content analysis of election manifestos whereby the content of manifestos (political statements) is categorized across categories. The proportion of each category for a manifesto is calculated and thus the final data for each party manifesto is the proportions of the manifesto devoted to each of these 57 categories. Almost all previous reserch on this topic has been based on left-right scale. Instead of using left-right scale, author of this thesis will suggest that better way to assess parties ideological proximity is to compare relevant parties election manifestos. Methodology of this thesis is based on two steps. The first thing, which should be done, is to determine the formateur on each case.The second, the Manifesto Project database would be updated and restructured from around elections to around coalition governments, which have actually formed. Also, the policy difference between pairs of 39 political parties will be calculated as the total sum of differences across all the 56 substantive dimensions of the Manifesto Project dataset, which will be used to assess the difference between parties instead of the left-right scale. This would, among other things, allow to create a measure of policy proximity for each coalition by considering the differences between the formateur and its coalition partners versus other parliamentary parties. Results from Estonia and Slovakia show that although policy plays somewhat important role in coalition formation, it is hard to assess is it the main preference when parties choose their government partners.
Autonoomsed piirkonnad täisdemokraatliku ja hübriidrežiimi tingimustes: Hispaania Kuningriigis asuva Kataloonia ja Venemaa Föderatsioonis asuva Tatarstani näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Halilov, Indrek; Tüür, Karmo, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
In the 21st century, the definite quantity of autonomous regions is contested due to political ambiguity, but the general estimation is that there are under fifty. Autonomous regions with a limited range of legislative and executive power can be defined by several parameters. Primarily historical development, geographical position, ethnic homogeneity, subsidiarity principle and the future outlook of independence. Regarding autonomous regions, there are ones located, both in democratic countries (e.g. United Kingdom, Denmark, Finland), and in non-democratic countries (e.g. Iraq, China). The aim on this undergraduate thesis, is to analyse and to compare autonomous regions, located inside the territory of democratic vis-a-vis non-democratic countries. The thesis, will compare two variables; The Republic of Tatarstan, the federal subject of the Russian Federation and the autonomous entity of Catalan in the Kingdom of Spain. The research, will analyse the differences of regional autonomy, regarding its geographical and political position, either in a democratic or a non-democratic region. Secondly, it will analyse the interests of the central Governments, regarding their strategy on the enlargement or further restrictions, for the autonomous entity. Thirdly, it will study how the autonomous regions have used the power given to them, and what are there perspectives for the future. The thesis paper, will use both qualitative and quantitative research methods to analyse and compare the independent variables which affect the two autonomous regions. The hypothesis is – The preconditions and “true” reasons for an autonomous region to rise from the cradle are quite similar, but regarding further development of the regions, then the autonomous entities in democracies are more likely to gain more power and stability, than the ones in non-democracies. In the research, in order to compare the two autonomous regions, there is a need to analyse the following independent variables: the historical process of regional development, geographical position, population variance, economical power, foreign policy goals, stability of the central power, and the extent of sovereignty given. The research is divided into two parts. The first part will analyse the theoretical definition of an autonomous region. In the second part, the two autonomous regions will be compared, regarding their historical development, their current political and economical situation as well as their future perspectives. Finally, the paper will make assumptions, regarding the possibility of these autonomous regions of becoming independent countries as well as the scope of threats which could occur in the case of devolution.
Balti riikide energiaalane koostöö lähtudes liberaalsest valitsustevahelisuse teooriast
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Merelaht, Joosep; Veebel, Viljar, juhendaja; Mäe, Andres, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The Baltic countries do not form a homogenous region in terms of energy mixes, supply patterns and policy objectives. Estonia is largely self-sufficient depending on the domestic oil shale production. Natural gas accounts for a slightly more than 10% of the Estonia’s primary energy balance. Lithuania has turned from a regional nuclear power into a largely gas consuming country while attempting to achieve an ambitious „energy independence” objective through various large scale measures: a new nuclear power plant in Visagina, an LNG terminal in Klaipeda, electricity and gas interconnections with Sweden and Poland. Although Latvia has a rather high level of single source gas consumption (around 30%), it wants to become a regional gas distribution hub. Latvia’s central location among the Baltics and, more importantly, vast underground storage potential provides a considerable advantage in the search for regional energy security solutions. The Baltic energy, however have considerable similarities and commonly shared broad challenges. The major challenges and objectives that the Baltics need to address are security of supply, competitive markets and sustainability. The integration of Baltic states „energy islands” into the European „energy mainland” is crucial for European Union energy policy. The European Union has facilitated the adoption of the Baltic Energy Market Integration Plan. Although the first steps have been already taken in electricity interconnections, the next phase would focus more on regional gas market integration. In this regard, interconnections between Estonia and Finland, and Lithuania and Poland are planned. The idea of the LNG-terminal has been put high on agenda in the Baltic states to become one of the important regional objectives with the help of potential EU financing. It shows, how liberal intergovernmentalism has proven right that, eventhough states are declaring cooperation, in the end of the day, the domestic interest are more important. Security of energy supply for the Baltic countries is of strategic importance from a geopolitical as well as an economic perspective. Based on relevant literature and scientific papers, it comes out that, although different strategies and development plans have great potential, they are not able to take advantage of national interest. Obstacles aris from uneven and limited interest in participating of projects and the uncertainty of the measurements. As well as the lack of specific indicators and resources.
Kuidas seletada Euroopa Liidu laienemistõrget
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Mändre, Charis; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
EU Membership perspective has been a strong incentive for reform in many European states for decades and it is still so for the numerous Western Balkan countries. However the future of the EU’s widening processes seems dodgy after the immense expansion to the Eastern and Central European countries in 2004 and 2007. The Union has taken considerable steps to make the accession process more credible and transparent but this has also fed fears that the EU is no longer as committed to the enlargement as previously. In addition to these moods, the widening of the Union faces several more challenges, such as the need to address the current Eurozone crisis efficiently and to increase democracy in the Unions’ institutions. The Western Balkans constitutes a region of many countries which have for long been under conflict. Their ethnical and cultural diversity, added to a complicated history, is often a cause of tension. Bilateral disputes with current member states also seem to be nowhere near a solution. The aim of this thesis is to try and find an understanding of why there is a reluctance for widening in the EU. In the beginning of the thesis I hypothesize that deepening of the integration between the member states is a crucial premise for widening. I put this theory to the test by placing it in the context of previous enlargements and deducting, that several EU’s most important reforms have taken place in order to accommodate future enlargements. In order to draw conclusions for the current candidate countries’ EU prospects, I analyze some if the EU’s inner documents to find out whether the Union is willing to and ready to seriously take on the possibility of new members. My findings suggest that there is some confusion amongst the many players of the Union – some institutions, like the Commission, are more committed to the widening processes than others (the Council). In addition there is much caution between the member states’ themselves, some of whom seem weary of previous enlargements and unsure about the future ones. To understand the complications of the candidate countries, I dissect their current position on their way to the EU. I do this by examining their inner political progress and bilateral issues through the Union’s progress reports and enlargement conclusions. I come to the understanding, that even if the EU itself was prepared to take on new members, there are political disputes and perceptions between candidate and member countries which are difficult to overcome. Thus these issues clog up any future accession in the near term.
Dominantse erakonna mõju poliitilisele kultuurile: erakond Ühtne Venemaa näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Sepp, Jorma; Pääbo, Heiko, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The aim of the thesis was to find out how a dominant party affects the political culture, using the Russian Federation and the United Russia party as an example. The theoretical part gives a thorough overview of the concepts of political culture and dominant party. Theories presented point out the meaning of political culture and explain it in the context of an authoritarian system and also explain the relationship between citizens and authoritative political culture. Also, it discusses the notion of ‘dominant party’. For carrying out the empirical research, a method of grounded theory was used, based on a hypothesis that was tested for validity – the stronger the control of the dominant party in the political culture, the more passive the changes in the political system. The empirical study of the Russian Federation and the United Russia party showed that the party is dominant in its country and oriented towards power. The party has chronological dominance, dominant bargaining position, access to state resources, and it has monopolized the media. Also, it has a flexible political strategy, active mobilization of socio-economic groups and a party-created dominance that cannot be ignored in the country. The empirical analysis also revealed that the party has influenced the political system of the country by using its dominance, as the access to state resources favors the actions of the party and does not give political freedom and equality to the opposition. The analysis pointed out that the country is majorly affected by the Soviet legacy. Leading politicians have been socialized in it and they carry it on via new symbols. The same conclusion appeared in the analysis of Russian political system where United Russia is similar to a Soviet Union Communist party, affecting political institutions and thereby also the political culture to its advantage. By analyzing the civil society system, it appeared that the political culture of the Russian Federation can be described as a subject-oriented political culture where citizens know about the situation in their political system but do not see their possibilities to affect it. Qualitative data showed that the political system is at the beginning of transition to a participational political culture, as there is very limited amount of active grassroots politics present in Russia. As a result of the dominant United Russia, the political culture of Russia is not independent and does not create political structure. In conclusion, the study revealed that the stronger the role of dominant party in the political culture, the more passive the changes in the political system. As a result of nationwide activities of the dominant party, the political structure it has created affects the political culture but not vice versa. Due to that fact, it can be said that the political system of a country does not accept changes caused by changes in the society.
Majanduskriiside mõju riikide poliitilistele süsteemidele
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Parts, Raul; Veebel, Viljar, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The role of this paper was to to study the effects of economic crisis on political regimes. The subject is actual, since the European Union and the world in a whole has bsuffered from an economic crisis since the last crisis broke out in the fall of 2008. But the new centre for the crisis seems to be the European Union, since EU members like Greece, Ireland and Spain have already needed or might need international loans to help them serve their loans and the public sector. But the countries governments also need to reform the economy of the countries in order to get the loans. The reforms have caused a great deal of unsatisfaction within the citizens of those countries. There have been riots and protests and the leading parties have lost support to more left-wing and in some cases to right-wing parties. This raises a question, whether the economic crisis can affect the political regimes. In order to study the possible effects, there are six countries (Greece, Spain, Ireland, Brazil, Tunisia, Libya) divided in to three regions. The economic crisis are measured with six different Early Warning Indicators. The aspect of democracy is measured with Economist Intelligent Unit’s Index of Democracy and with Freedom House’s Freedom in the World Index. Statistical analysis is done in order to study and measure the effects of economic crisis on political regimes. Five earlier studys of the same topic have also been taken into account. The final result of the paper is, that the economic crisis in countries, that have had democracy as a political regime twenty years or more, will not cause a separation from democracy, but it can give the citizens the option to vote for a different government with a bit different views (the case with Greece). Regarding the Middle – East, the causes of the Arab Spring were in some cases economical, but there were also several other reasons why the prior political system collapsed. When the new governments of those countries are willing to extend for democracy and when they will get help from outside, the author believes, that democracy will be possible in the Middle – East, since the circumstances are comparable with Greece, Spain and Brazil about twenty five to thirty years ago. The paper gives a base for future studies of these kinds and when monitoring the situation in the Middle – East, it can be ascertain, whether democracy will endure.
Karjäärisüsteemi mõju palgasüsteemi arendamisele Eesti kui väikeriigi avaliku teenistuse organisatsioonis Välisministeeriumi näitel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Aus, Agnes; Pesti, Cerlin, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
USA välispoliitilise sekkumise õigustamine ja hegemoonia demokraatide ja vabariiklaste omavahelises võrdluses
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Koorep, Ranno; Kilp, Alar, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The goal of this study was to examine the connection between U.S. foreign intervention, its justifications and hegemony. Attitudes of both democrats and republicans were assessed based on the justifications given by U.S officials to interfere in Kosovo in 1999, and in Iraq in 2003. Also, a perspective for the future was created based on the findings. In the light of upcoming presidential elections and talks about the potential decline of U.S. supremacy, these findings may prove to be useful. The study acknowledged the fact of U.S. hegemony and its strong remaining potential in the world today. It was brought out that the United States has both leadership and dominance, has the capability to merge soft- and hard power and is ready to actually use its supremacy when needed. The main concept of this work is an understanding of U.S. hegemony as a progressive phenomenon, which means that America has always been moving step by step towards bigger involvement and primacy on an international scale. It was also found in the study that the safeguarding of hegemony, foreign intervention and changes in justifications are continuing trends in U.S. defense and foreign policy rather than just policy goals for democrats or republicans. It was stated that America uses its supremacy to redefine international values or terms like sovereignty to find new justifications for interfering. However, some differences were found between democrats and republicans, main one of then being the fact that republicans tend to use more self-seeking and real threat-posing justifications as democrats rely more on moral values and the involvement of international communities. Based on these findings, it can be said that future governments led by republicans might have a bigger tendency to act on their own while democrats pursue hegemonic goals mainly through the work of international organisations.
Islami Koostööorganisatsiooni liikmete solidaarsus või mittesolidaarsus usukaaslaste de jure tunnustamisel: Kosovo näide
(Tartu Ülikool, 2012) Mäe, Indrek; Toomla, Rein, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The topic of this Bachelor thesis is „Recognitional solidarity or dissolidarity of Organization of the Islamic Conference in the direction of islamic countries: Kosovo example“. The questionable solidarity issue is important in the islamic world because the islamic religion says that solidarity and unity are the most important aspects in taking decisions by government or state. Almost half of the members of OIC do not follow that principle and are not solidary with the new states of the same religion. Kosovo is a good example – the state is not recognised by half of OICs members and it is important to research why this is. Firstly, it is important to describe in what conditions a state has a right for recognision. The islamic law is slightly different form the International law.The first chapter describes the differences and the priorities that have to be accepted by islamic state who wants to be recognised by other islamic states and International community. Secondly there is an assessement which tries to find out if Kosovo has a right for recognition by islamic and International community based on the criterias described in the first chapter. Kosovo have the match with most of the criterias and thus it can be said that islamic countries are not solidary with each other based on recognition problem. The third part of bachelor thesis describes the reasons why there is no solidarity between OIC members and the new islamic states. The most important reason is connected to the fact that dissolidary OIC’s member states have very good relations with Russia, who is not intrested in recognising Kosovo. So, Russia has huge influence to OIC members that do not recognise Kosovo. There are also other reasons for lack of solidarity within islamic world. For example the distribution of the islamic religion and the problems connected with the minorities in the different OIC’s member states.

Sirvi

Sirvi Poliitikauuringute instituudi bakalaureusetööd – Bachelor´s theses Kuupäev järgi