Sirvi Autor "Berg, Eiki, juhendaja" järgi

Nüüd näidatakse 1 - 20 62

Aafrika Liidu saavutused vastutus kaitsta põhimõtte rakendamisel
(Tartu Ülikool, 2014) Jugaste, Liis; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Käesoleva magistritöö keskseks teemaks on vastutus kaitsta põhimõte. See on printsiip, mille kohaselt on esmane inimõiguste kaitsja riigis selle valitsus, mille tegevusetuse ning suutmatuse korral liigub vastutus edasi rahvusvahelisele kogukonnale. Kuna vastutus kaitsta põhimõtte rakendamiseks rahvusvahelise kogukonna poolt kasutatakse humanitaarset interventsiooni, rikutakse sellega teisi rahvusvahelise õiguse norme nagu suveräänsuse austamise põhimõte ning relvajõu kasutamise keeld. Tulenevalt asjaolust, et suveräänsuse austamise põhimõte ning relvajõu kasutamise keeld on ülemaailmse rahu huvides väga olulised printsiibid, võib vastutus kaitsta põhimõtte rakendamist nimetada pigem erandiks kui reegliks. Seetõttu on oluline uurida, kuivõrd edukad on olnud humanitaarsed interventsioonid vastutus kaitsta põhimõtte elluviimisel. Magistritöö keskendub Aafrika Liidu võimekusele tagada inimõiguste kaitse Aafrika mandril, sest Ühinenud Rahvaste Organisatsioon, kes on esmane rahvusvahelise tasandi inimõiguste kaitsja, on tihtipeale võimetu sekkuma katastroofilistesse inimõiguste rikkumistesse antud piirkonnas. Aafrika Liidu saavutuste hindamiseks keskendub magistritöö organisatsiooni poole läbi viidud missioonidele Burundis, Darfuris, Somaalias ja Komoori saartel. Juhtumite võrdluse eesmärgiks on hinnata Aafrika Liidu sekkumise kiirust, missioonile seatud eesmärkide täituvust ja nendeni jõudmise kiirust ning panust olukorra lõplikku lahendamisesse. Juhtumianalüüside põhjal võib järeldada, et Aafrika Liit on iseseisvalt võimeline sekkuma otsustavalt vaid lihtsamatesse konfliktidesse, nagu seda näitavad interventsioonid Burundisse ja Komoori saartele. Aafrika Liidu missioonid on edutud siis, kui konflikt piirkonnas on laiahaardelisem ning agressiivsem, sest organisatsioonil on raskusi piisava suurusega vägede kokkusaamisega, samuti on probleeme missiooni rahastamise ning organisatoorse poolega. Kuna Aafrika Liidu sekkumised humanitaarkatastroofidesse on tihtipeale kasutud, peaks Aafrika Liit panustama rohkem rahu ja julgeoleku arhitektuurina väljatöötatud mehhanismi käimasaamisesse.
Armeenia ja Mägi-Karabahhi vahelised patroon-kliendi suhted Nikol Pašinjani ametiajal
(Tartu Ülikool, 2025) Liiv, Diana; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
2023. aasta septembris teatas Mägi-Karabahhi president, peale nädala kestnud Aserbaidžaani rünnakuid, et Mägi-Karabahhi Vabariik lõpetab eksisteerimise riigina 1. jaanuar 2024. Selle otsusega kadus rahvusvaheliselt areenilt üks de facto riik ning laheduse sai üks pikimaid konflikte Euraasias. Bakalaureusetöö eesmärk on uurida, millisena nähti ja kuidas muutusid patroon-kliendi suhted Armeenia ja Mägi-Karabahhi vahel Nikol Pašinjani ametiajal. Loomaks arusaama Armeenia Vabariigi peaministri suhtumisest Mägi-Karabahhi Vabariiki ja suhtumises toimunud muutustest Pašinjani ametiajal, viidi läbi kvalitatiivne kontentanalüüs peaministri kõnede põhjal, milles käsitleti Mägi-Karabahhi perioodil 2018-2023. Analüüs keskendus kahele ajaperioodile: Pašinjani ametisse astumisest (08.05.2018) kuni Teise Karabahhi sõja puhkemiseni (27.09.2020) ning vaherahu kehtestamisest (10.11.2020) kuni de facto võimude otsuseni Mägi-Karabahhi Vabariigi eksistents lõpetada (28.09.2023). Analüüsi tulemusel selgus, et Pašinjani võimuletuleku järgselt muutus Armeenia poliitika Karabahhi suunal patrooni huvisid esile tõstvaks. Peaminister nägi Mägi-Karabahhi Vabariigi võimekust iseseisva toimijana, viidates viimasele kui võrdsele partnerile. Samas kinnitas peaminister Armeenia ja Mägi-Karabahhi vaheliste tugevate sugulussidemete olemasolu, nähes piirkonda ühtse ruumina. Samuti muutus analüüsitaval perioodil Pašinjani nägemus Armeenia kui patrooni rollist. Nõnda nägi peaminister algselt Armeenia kui patrooni rolli Mägi-Karabahhi ja regiooni julgeoleku tagajana, kuid Teise Karabahhi sõja järgselt tõusis esile Armeenia roll diplomaatilise vahendajana.
Comfortable bed-fellows? Russia and the radical right after the Crimean annexation
(Tartu Ülikool, 2018) Aitton, Liesa Anna; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This study examines the radical rightist stances of the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), the Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ), the Front National (FN), Jobbik Movement for a Better Hungary (Jobbik), the UK Independence Party (UKIP), and the Vlaams Belang (VB) on Russia in the light of the Ukrainian crisis, in particularly the Crimean crisis. A focus will be placed on the radical right’s foreign policy agenda, and how this shaped their perspective towards Russia. In the past, the scholarship in this field has mostly ignored this topic in favour of analysing the internal dimension. Over the last couple years, the field has expanded to include external factors, such as Euroscepticism and Russophilia. However, most research chose to heavily feature anti- EU sentiments. Thus, questions regarding the relationship between Russia and the radical right remained unanswered. Through an analysis of party programs, voting patterns, and debates in the European Parliament, this thesis measures how and to what extend pro-Russian sentiments have manifested in the external dimension of the radical right. Additionally, patterns of pro-Russian and/or anti-Russian stances, are used to complement this analysis. Regardless of their attitude towards Russia, the findings suggest that the Russian Federation has recently started to appear on the radical right foreign policy agenda. In regard to the FN, the FPÖ, and Jobbik similar pragmatic and Eurosceptic arguments were brought forward to indicate a positive stance towards Russia. The VB supports some of these pragmatic principles as well, but generally perceives Russia in more neutral terms. Finally, those that are critical of the Russian Federation, primarily the AfD and UKIP, tend to use diverging reasons to support their view. As a consequence, patterns on radical right-Russia relations present a rather mixed perspective.
Cross-Strait relations of China and Taiwan: analyzing legitimacy of Kuomintang’s policies 2008 – 2013
(Tartu Ülikool, 2014) Prants, Kreet; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The following research will take a closer look at the cross-Strait relations of mainland China and Taiwan starting from the 2008 (presidential and legislative) elections in Taiwan, when the Nationalist Party Kuomintang and their presidential candidate Ma Ying-jeou came to power. During the course of the work the political actions and statements of the leaders of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the Republic of China (ROC) and the representatives of the relevant institutions such as the Taipei-based Straits Exchange Foundation (SEF) and the Beijing-based Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits (ARATS) will be reviewed while cross-referencing information about the concurrent public opinion surveys on Taiwan. This will help understand the public’s response to the KMT policies and therefore to deduct if the policies can be called legitimate.
Dynamics of Armenia’s role conceptions and expectations 2018–2024: navigating EU-Russia contestation
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Aloe, Christopher; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis analyses the change of role conceptions and expectations of Armenia from 2018 to 2024, focusing on what can be seen as critical junctures that could induce role changes: the Velvet Revolution in 2018, the defeat of the Second Karabakh war in 2020 and the loss of Nagorno-Karabakh in 2023. Additionally, the Russian full-scale aggression war against Ukraine in February 2022 significantly altered the geopolitical landscape, intensifying the West and Russian contestation over what is considered to be in-between of these two powers. This study not only explores how a country in the region – Armenia – perceives its role in the world, the contestation of these two powers and who their partners should be, but also how changing conditions and external shocks impact the roles of a country. This examination reveals the volatility and stability of the role a country conceptualizes for itself and others. Armenia’s role was influenced by these events, leading to changes in its role conceptions and expectations regarding the EU and Russia, though not resulting in a complete U-turn. Whereas Armenia initially viewed itself as a faithful ally of Russia, considering Russia a security guarantor, this perception shifted, with Armenia seeing Russia as just another ally/partner, unable to provide security guarantees and even posing a potential threat. Throughout the time Armenia saw itself as being a European democracy and the EU as a partner in democratic development and reforms. Over time, this perception evolved, with Armenia increasingly seeing the EU as a security guarantor and with whom Armenia seeks as close relations as possible. In managing these relations Armenia saw itself in the role of a bridge and, ultimately, also as an independent actor, who has relations with everyone. Additionally, Armenia saw itself in the role of genocide preventer.
Eesti kandideerimise põhjendamine Arktika Nõukogu vaatlejariigiks: huvide, identiteedi ja regiooni kujutamine aastatel 2019-2021
(Tartu Ülikool, 2025) Realo, Annamari; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Käesolev bakalaureusetöö uurib, kuidas Eesti põhjendas oma kandideerimist Arktika Nõukogu vaatlejariigiks aastatel 2019–2021. Tuginedes kriitilise geopoliitika ja regioonide kujunemise teooriatele, analüüsitakse kuidas Eesti nii ennast kui Arktikat esitas, kasutades territoriaalseid ja globaalseid narratiive, et õigustada oma huvi piirkonna vastu, kuhu ta geograafiliselt ei kuulu. Töö keskendub kolmele uurimisküsimusele: kuidas Eesti esitles oma huve ja panust Arktika Nõukogusse, kuidas Eesti kujutas Arktikat ning ennast seoses Arktikaga. Selleks analüüsitakse temaatilise analüüsi meetodil ametlikke dokumente, kõnesid, pressiteateid ning muid materjale, milles Eesti välispoliitika esindajad tutvustasid Eesti Arktika-poliitikat. Analüüsi tulemused näitasid, et Eesti kasutas oma Arktika Nõukogu vaatlejariigi kandidatuuris kahte vastanduvat, kuid teineteist täiendavat narratiivi. Ühelt poolt rõhutati Eesti Arktikalähedast identiteeti geograafiliste, looduslike ja kultuuriliste sarnasuste kaudu. Teiselt poolt toodi esile globaalne vastutus ja õigus osaleda piiriüleses koostöös, viidates üleilmse mõjuga teemadele nagu kliimamuutus ja digitaalne ühenduvus. Töö tulemused täiendavad olemasolevaid arusaamu selle osas, kuidas Arktikaga-välised riigid enda osalust ja huvi Arktikas põhjendavad.
Eesti meedias Iraagi sõjale eelnenud debati analüüs kriitilise geopoliitika võtmes
(Tartu Ülikool, 2013) Ojalill, Tanel; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
The effectiveness of economic sanctions: the case of Qatar
(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Obgaidze, Nino; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The debates on the effectiveness of economic sanctions have an important aspect of the sanctions’ literature. There are various assumptions of the determinants the “effectiveness” and the implementation of the “target states” policies are considered as one of the key factors. This thesis will introduce the arguments in this debate and will be focused on Qatar’s case, which is one of the recent crises in the contemporary world. In June 2017, four members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) – Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, United Arab Emirates and Egypt imposed the sanctions on Qatar, closed diplomatic and economic ties and as a result, enforced the blockade of the sea, air and the land spaces. As for the response, Qatar rejected the allegations proposed by the Quartet and in order to overcome the crisis, started to develop the states’ economy, agriculture and established the new diplomatic and trade relations with the states all around the world. The purpose of this study is to analyse the impact of sanctions on Qatar and understand how Qatar continued its advancement in the word politics. As a result, this research has found that Qatar managed to substitute the blockading states and establish new trade connections as well as develop agricultural productions.
Elite navigations in de facto states: exploring patron-client relationships in the case of Northern Cyprus
(Tartu Ülikool, 2021) Youksel, Izzet Yalin; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis focuses on the patron-client relationship between Turkey and TRNC. Through the use of patron-client relationships theory and ontological security theory, elite navigations as a concept is developed. Patron-client relationships in the international community are most visible in de facto states and this thesis analyses the case of TRNC and the actions of its political elite in their attempts to defy, dictate or demand patronage from the patron state. It was found that ontological insecurities experienced by the public and political elite motivate elite navigations. For elite navigations to be detected, it is important to judge accurately if ontological security is threatened, what sort of demands are made by the public and the personal qualities of the political elite in charge. Elite navigations are closely connected to ontological security and ontological security to exerting agency. That being said, since de facto states rely heavily on their patrons for physical and economic security, their agency is constrained and hard to detect. In the literature de facto states are not granted credit for being effective agents in international relations. Elite navigations and the findings of this thesis display that de facto states possess agency no matter how limited it might be.
Endless conflict or ended conflict. Prospects for permanent peace after second Karabakh war
(Tartu Ülikool, 2022) Maharramov, Ismayil; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The Nagorno Karabakh enclave has been a point of conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan for decades. With the main parties being two conflicting sovereign states and the "de facto state" of Nagorno Karabakh, the conflict has grown into one of the world's most persistent and complex confrontations and has entered a new phase of reality following the second war. For this reason, it is critical to examine peace prospects and the likelihood of finding a solution for the state of NK. This thesis examines peace possibilities following the second Karabakh war and the practicality of three conflict management tools: power-sharing, division, and territorial autonomy, using a rationalist perspective as the main theory. The principal objective of this thesis has been to study the research findings and determine if they met my expectations and how well they fit into the framework I constructed in the beginning. This paper concisely addressed the core research question, ensuring that the reader comprehends the central point and contribution of my study. The preliminary results of my research indicate that the unwillingness of the Azerbaijani and Armenian sides to find a compromise acceptable to all sides stemming from a lack of trust and the Azerbaijani government's consolidated and hegemonic authoritarian attitudes complicate the bargaining process. However, any possible agreement considering the interests of all parties in the framework of new realities will lead to peace in the region, strengthen regional integration, and restore economic ties between the two countries.
Engaged, yet unofficial? Patterns of engagement without recognition of EU member states with the Republic of Kosovo (2008-2024)
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Poure, Joris Charlie; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Kosovo’s relationship with the European Union and its desire for membership is one of its most defining characteristics, shaping both domestic and foreign policy. Brussels expresses a duality, being both one of Pristina’s closest allies but also counting among its member states five countries which do not recognise Kosovar independence from Serbia following its 2008 unilateral declaration of independence. Still, EU states and Kosovo are in contact, as displayed by the 2024 visa liberalisation regime with Pristina. At a time where de facto states play a large in shaping the European geopolitics (as displayed by Russia’s recognition of the Georgian and Ukrainian de facto states, near instantly followed by invasions of their neighbours’ territory under international law), our assumption is that such entities need to be studied with attention; Kosovo in particular, as its existence is both a topic of contention at EU level and has been used by a belligerent Moscow as a precedent justifying their actions abroad . This thesis aims to study why non-recognisers (of which were retained three as case studies divided in two groups: Cyprus, Greece, and Spain) have refused to recognise Kosovo since 2008, and how (if they do) do they engage with Pristina and its nationals. For hard non-recognisers, we found political engagement to be limited but not null for both Cyprus and Spain, the former surprising by displaying remarkably high economic engagement levels, and non-recognition being based on fears of precedent setting for secessionism at home justified under the guise of morals, international law, and friendship with Serbia. For our soft-recogniser case Greece, we found expectations-exceeding levels of diplomatic engagement with Kosovo bilaterally and at EU level, the states’ relation being similar to that of two confirmed states. Non-recognition here is found to be due to diplomatic relations with both historical ally Serbia and kin state Cyprus.
Engagement without recognition: assessing Georgia's engagement strategies and their effectiveness in Abkhazia
(Tartu Ülikool, 2023) Abashidze, Giga; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis focuses on counter-secession strategies employed by Georgia in relation to its breakaway region, Abkhazia. The study focuses on Georgia's engagement without recognition policy. The research analyzes the effectiveness of this policy by employing qualitative research methods, including interviews, document analysis, and process-tracing. The study considers the period from 2008 to 2020, with the 2008 August war serving as a crucial event that reshaped the conflict dynamics between Georgia and its breakaway territories.
Euroopa Liidu poliitikad Põhja-Küprose suunal de facto riikide kaasamise kontekstist tulenevalt
(Tartu Ülikool, 2015) Limperk, Laura; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaal- ja haridusteaduskond; Tartu Ülikool. Riigiteaduste instituut
Exploring peace perspectives in post-war Azerbaijan: a comparative analysis of governmental and civil society views on conflict resolution
(Tartu Ülikool, 2025) Mammadli, Ibrahim; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis investigates how the concept of “peace” is discursively constructed in post-war Azerbaijan following the 2020 Second Karabakh War and the 2023 military operation that solidified Azerbaijan’s control over Nagorno-Karabakh. It compares and contrasts the peace narratives advanced by the Azerbaijani government and civil society actors. While the government promotes a securitized and state-centric vision of peace, often referred to as “Winner’s Peace”, that emphasizes territorial integrity, military victory, and regime stability, civil society actors advocate for a more inclusive, justice-oriented, and transformative approach rooted in liberal peacebuilding principles. Through qualitative discourse analysis of political speeches, media statements, civil society publications, and interviews with peace activists, the research identifies key divergences and occasional overlaps between these two narratives. The study finds that the government’s discourse aligns with the framework of illiberal peace, marginalizing dissenting voices and excluding reconciliation-based approaches. In contrast, civil society actors, though politically constrained, promote people-to-people dialogue, transitional justice, and historical recognition. The thesis concludes that peace in Azerbaijan remains a contested and politically charged concept, shaped by asymmetrical power relations that limit pluralistic discourse and constrain prospects for sustainable conflict transformation.
Exploring the role of Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) in foreign relations of de facto states: A comparative analysis of Kosovo, Palestine and Taiwan
(Tartu Ülikooli Kirjastus, 2025-08-18) Berisha, Butrint; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond
21. sajandil on kodanikuühiskonna organisatsioonidele avanenud enneolematud võimalused rahvusvaheliseks tegevuseks, muuhulgas tänu tehnoloogia arengule ja multilateraalsete foorumite avanemisele. Käesolev doktoritöö uurib, kuidas kodanikuühendused de facto riikides – riikides, mida on erineval määral aktsepteeritud ja tunnustatud, kuid mis ei ole ÜRO liikmed – osalevad rahvusvahelises elus. Erinevalt täielikult tunnustatud riikidest on de facto riikidel piiratud diplomaatilised suhted, juurdepääs rahvusvahelistele organisatsioonidele ja rahvusvahelisele kogukonnale laiemalt. Mitteametlike suhete raames on kodanikuühendustel võimekus aeg-ajalt parandada de facto riikide suhtlusvõimet rahvusvahelise ühiskonnaga lävimisel, suurendades seeläbi nende rahvusvahelist kaasatust, osalust, esindatust ja nähtavust. Siiski on kodanikuühenduste tegevust vaidlustatud riikluse kontekstis vähe uuritud, eriti napib võrdlusuuringuid. Selles doktoritöös võrreldakse Kosovo, Palestiina ja Taiwani kodanikuühenduste rahvusvahelist tegevust. Vaatluse all on 45 organisatsiooni, ehk 15 iga juhtumi kohta. Doktoritöö keskendub sellele, kuidas erinevad rahvusvahelised, siseriiklikud ja organisatsioonilised tegurid nende ühenduste rahvusvahelist tegevust mõjutavad. Võrdleva lähenemise kaudu väidetakse doktoritöös, et vaidlustatud riikluse kontekst sunnib de facto riikide kodanikuühendusi „kahetisele pühendumusele“, mida mõistetakse kui nende tegevuste tasakaalustamist esiteks universaalsete globaalsete valitsemise väljakutsete lahendamise ja teiseks rahvuslike riigiloome- ja riigitunnustusprojektide vahel. Kuigi kodanikuühenduste tegevus maailmapoliitikas on piiratud, toimivad nad rahvusvaheliselt ka „de facto diplomaatidena“, täites diplomaatilisi funktsioone nagu rahvusvaheline suhtlus ja läbirääkimised ning, mis kõige tähtsam, esindades ja kaitstes oma kodanike huve rahvusvahelistes foorumites. Seetõttu kontseptualiseeritakse selles doktoritöös kodanikuühenduste rahvusvahelist tegevust „kodanikuühenduste diplomaatiana“. See doktoritöö panustab debatti selle üle, keda tunnustatakse legitiimse toimijana, kellel on õigus rääkida elanikkonna nimel. Ajal, mil rahvusvaheline suhtlus on erinevate diplomaatilise esindatuse vormide suhtes üha soosivam, võitlevad kodanikuühendused selles muutuvas korralduses legitiimse positsiooni saavutamise eest. Ka kodanikuühenduste sisemine organisatsiooniline struktuur on muutumises, kuna nad arendavad üha enam võimekusi valdkondades, mis kuulusid varem üksnes välisministeeriumite ja kutseliste diplomaatide pädevusse. Näiteks teevad kodanikuühendused teadlikke pingutusi oma rahvusvahelise tegevusvõimekuse institutsionaliseerimiseks ja tõhustamiseks. Lisaks väidetakse doktoritöös, et need organisatsioonid nii vaidlustavad kui ka tugevdavad rahvusvahelise kogukonna riikluse norme nagu suveräänsus, enesemääramine, territoriaalne terviklikkus, mittesekkumine ja territoriaalsus. Et paremini mõista kodanikuühenduste rolle väga eriilmelistes de facto riikides, on vajalikud täiendavad uurimused, eriti juhtumite puhul, kus kodanikuühiskond ei järgi liberaalset paradigmat või kus de facto riigid omavad vähem tunnustust ja legitiimsust kui käesolevas töös käsitletud juhtumid.
External governance effectiveness conditions in European Neighbourhood Policy implementation
(Tartu Ülikooli Euroopa kolledž, 2014) Tartes, Annika; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Veebel, Viljar, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Euroopa Kolledž
This paper systematises problems in European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) implementation in three fields of research and analyses them within the external governance framework, in order to find reasons for ENP's little effectiveness. Based on two research questions and by comparing internal structural problems in the EU, domestic factors in partner countries and international influence to effectiveness conditions from external governance theory, the thesis narrows down key aspects that the external policy's effectiveness depends on. The author's own contribution is the most evidently expressed in the third part where findings are compared to theory and analysed via empirical evidence. The most decisive aspects were found to be domestic factors in partner countries, such as political regime, the interests of governments, lack of democracy, national challenges and possible conflicts in partner countries. However, internal contradictions of the ENP structure – such as EU inconsistency in conditionality application, lack of consensus and focus, conflicting goals, inappropriate one-size fitsall structure and not offering a motivating enough outcome for conducting reforms – and international variables, such as the projection of EU as a soft power, regional competition, possible alternatives to EU integration and Russian foreign policy in its near abroad, have also had its influence on ENP's performance in some cases. The analysis in this paper proves the hypothesis that external policy's effectiveness depends more on external factors than on the policy's internal structure
De facto state normalisation in a time of crisis: an analysis of Transnistria’s management of the COVID-19 pandemic
(Tartu Ülikool, 2021) Trostel, Melissa; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Nilsson, Rasmus, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
The COVID-19 pandemic has thrown the world into a global public health crisis unlike anything experienced this century, throwing people’s lives and the international system into chaos. At this time, we do not have a complete understanding of the influence this pandemic may have had on international relations; nevertheless, it is interesting and important to begin analysing immediate changes. Thus, this thesis aims to take this context of the COVID-19 pandemic and apply it to an underrepresented political entity: the de facto state. The de facto state experience is already unique due to non-recognition and relative segregation from the international community; pairing this with the pandemic provides a compelling research opportunity for analysing the intersection of capacity to act vs. dependence and international engagement vs. isolation. Along these lines, this thesis proposes that the circumstances of crisis allow for altering the level of ‘normalisation’ of the de facto state in the international system. Through demonstrating capacity/incapacity and engagement/isolation de facto state authorities may be able to alter their perception from the international community.
De facto state-patron state relations in two-level game theory: a case study on de facto states in Croatia and Bosnia during the Yugoslav wars
(Tartu Ülikool, 2019) Bastek, Ryan Werner; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
De facto states are political entities that control territory and maintain all the requirements expected of a state except one, they lack international recognition. What they do have, in many cases, is the patronage of a recognized state that will help them to survive in a hostile world. So close is the relationship between patron and de facto states, that many dismiss de facto states as simply being puppets under the total control of the patron state. In this thesis I show how a genuine de facto state can be identified and differentiated from a puppet state; a true de facto state will be able to come to its own decisions rather than simply following dictates from their patron. To do this I examined the cases of the two Serbian-backed de facto states that emerged from the collapse of Yugoslavia in the 1990s and, through the use of two-level game theory, determine whether they accepted or rejected specific peace plans favored by their patron state based on internal political decisions or were simply carrying out the orders of the patron state.
Failing interventions? assessing the success of liberal peace-building in Kosovo after 2008
(Tartu Ülikool, 2017) Köppl, Stefanie; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Sonnleitner, Dominik, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
Dealing with a world of constant crises and wars, the international community is continuously applying efforts in peace-building processes to war-torn countries, in order to impose stability and development. The underlying concept of liberal peace-building and the form it is carried out are discussed critically amongst scholars and creates controversies. Especially in the course of and after the Yugoslav wars the discussion gained additional momentum. This thesis explores and evaluates the success of the international engagement in post-war Kosovo, where the liberal concept was applied extensively after the conflict. For this purpose a single case study, mostly based on document analysis is employed in order to analyse the developments in core areas of liberal peace-building. Set standards and description of the engaged missions support the overall understanding of the situation in Kosovo. The thesis seeks to contribute to the knowledge of the effects of liberal approaches, as well as the reasons for the prevailing failure in Kosovo. The areas of liberal economy, democratization, human rights and rule of law are found to show major shortcomings for which the reasons lie in misconceptions based within the liberal approach, but also in the structure of the integrated mission carried out in Kosovo. In light of ongoing engagement in Kosovo by international actors, it is discussed that the overall approach of an external imposed framework does not, as intended, lead to liberal democracies. The thesis argues that the roots for instability are strengthened by the international engagement and hinder sufficient development in Kosovo and does essentially not allow a positive outlook.
Geopolitical considerations of Brazil in the Amazon
(Tartu Ülikool, 2024) Williams, Benjamin; Berg, Eiki, juhendaja; Tartu Ülikool. Sotsiaalteaduste valdkond; Tartu Ülikool. Johan Skytte poliitikauuringute instituut
This thesis provides a look into the world of Brazilian geopolitical reasoning and its themes through a lens of critical geopolitics. Using content analysis through theoretically informed coding of textual material to deconstruct the meanings, the relevance of geopolitical reasoning can be exposed, and thereby signify the importance of Amazon for Brazil. The thesis compares two different periods in Brazilian History, the period of 1964-1985 and 1985-2023. The first case represents the period of military dictatorship and the second, a return to democracy. An overview of how Brazil had historically given meaning to the Amazonian space is given which is then followed by an analysis of speeches from first or dictatorship period. Historically the meaning was driven by an understanding of geopolitical thought coming mainly from Rudolf Kjellen, Fredrich Ratzel, and Halford Mackinder. Organic State theory and the idea of a South American Heartland were very influential. An impetus for this development was an unevenly populated and developed country. Resource exploitation, territorial claims, security threats, and economic development are themes prevalent during the dictatorship. Moving into the modern period there is a shift toward themes of economic development based on human rights and environmental security concerns along with an increase in declaring to other nations that Brazil has sovereignty over the Amazon. Though the shift doesn’t happen to the exclusion of resource exploitation or security threats. However, the justification changes. The shift in language from more classical geopolitical thought to more social and environmental themes indicates the significance of geopolitical reasoning in Brazil.